Recent orders

Pricing Commonly Owned Complementary Products

Pricing Commonly Owned Complementary Products

Pricing of commonly owned complimentary products is a method whereby one of the complimentary products is priced in a manner that facilitates maximization of sales volume. This usually happens without cost or profit considerations and is aimed at stimulating the demand of the other product (Desai, 2012). The main purpose of this type of pricing is to generate a sustainable level of profit that can favorably cover the losses sustained by the other product (Pride & Ferrell, 2010).

In the case of the hospital which needs to raise adequate capital for refurbishment, it is almost impossible for the bank to lend it more cash based on the existence of loan being repaid. Most lease renegotiations are to the disadvantages of lease holders. This is in the form of granting additional rights to the lessee and this can consequently lead to loss on an opportunity for additional rent payments by the private investors.

Therefore, in as much as the sale and lease back contract can help the hospital reduce its debts, it has its fair share of disadvantages and in this regard needs to be wholly be renegotiated if not avoided. In this regard, the concerns that I have about the sale and lease back contract is that it hinders the hospital from earning revenue from rent payments by private investors. This discourages its ability to comfortably repay the loan due to reduced and limited opportunities. Besides, the contract is not favorable to lease holders.

Software Discrimination

The values placed on the company’s versions of software by the home users are 175 dollars and 150 dollars for full featured version and disabled version respectively and commercial users at 225 dollars and 200 dollars for full featured version and disabled version respectively. Based on the equal amount of both users and the inability of the marketing department to distinguish between the two users, the most profitable strategy depends on the nature of products and the marginal costs involved (Johnston, 2003).

In a case of zero marginal cost, there is an implication of a situation whereby an additional unit can be produced without increasing the production costs. This can also happen in the case where the goods are non rivalrous. Therefore, the most profitable pricing strategy is to sell to both groups at a single price.

Law

Question three

A patent is an undivided right granted for an innovation of either a product or a process that facilitates new ways of doing things (Gibbs & HYPERLINK “http://www.google.co.ke/search?tbo=p&tbm=bks&q=inauthor:%22Bob+DeMatteis%22&source=gbs_metadata_r&cad=11” DeMatteis, 2003). For an invention to be patentable, it must be new, non-obvious and useful. Based on this, the patent office should not grant patent for frivolous items. This is because patenting such items lead to loss of competition and thus poor quality. This minimizes the returns that an organization can get from an invention.

Question four

Arguments for such patents imply that patenting any idea gives the inventor a reasonable trade off but other stakeholders believe that there are arguments against patenting frivolous items because to the society they lead to loss of competition since sole rights are granted to a single enterprise. In this regard, the process is justified if only it stimulates the economy and improves the lives of many members of the society. Another argument against patenting such items is the fact that invention is not innovation and usually several people who are involved the process fall by the way side as the product or idea becomes recognized (Leonard, 1997). In the case of frivolous inventions or inventions on frivolous items, there is no maximization of returns. This is because in most cases the frivolous items might discourage the combination of worthy inventions that can help yield useful and beneficial products and processes.

Conclusion

Based on the facts above the patent office should not grant patents for frivolous items because patenting on such sloppy standards increases litigation which results into high transaction costs. Therefore, an end to granting patents on frivolous items serves as a blessing to several online businesses and a good encouragement for innovation (Christopher et al, 2001).

References

Andy Gibbs, B. DeMatteis. (2003). Essentials of Patents. New Jersey: John Wiley & Son.

Christopher D. Gerrard, M. A. (2001). Global Public Policies and Programs: Implications for Financing and Evaluation: Proceedings from a World Bank Workshop. Washington D.C: World Bank Publications.

Desai, K. C. (2012). 101 Great Ideas to Boost Your Business. New York: Sterling Publishers Pvt. Ltd.

Johnston, S. A. (2003). Trading Options to Win: Profitable Strategies and Tactics for Any Trader. New Jersey: John Wiley & Sons.

Leonard, B. (1997). General Information Concerning Patents. New York: DIANE Publishing.

William M. Pride, O. C.Ferrell (2010). Marketing. Stamford: Cengage Learning.

The fundamental target of this study is to focus the effect of the government incomes on the government current consumptions

Statistics and Research Methods

Name

Affiliation

ABSTRACT

The fundamental target of this study is to focus the effect of the government incomes on the government current consumptions in UAE amid 1992 to 2014. The paper utilizes the time arrangement information which is taken from Central Bank of UAE. For assessing and breaking down of the model is taken care of the OLS strategy utilizing Excel Software. The model is connected the liner relapse. Since the current government consumptions are government responsibilities, so they must be exceedingly Stability. This review researches how the government incomes changing impact on the government uses. The results of the study show, in this model, the coefficients of the expense income, the oil income and the other government incomes are 1.33, 0.511 and 0.824, individually. So the oil income is a standout amongst the most imperative variables to focus the government current consumption level in UAE. The aftereffects of this paper can be helpful for the chiefs in UAE.

INTRODUCTION

An government uses spending plan as an arranging and budgetary instrument keeping in mind the end goal to do its capacities. At the point when an government consumptions surpass its incomes it is said that the legislature has spending plan shortfall. The investigation of UAE spending plan demonstrates that unevenness in spending plan especially spending plan deficiency is one of the qualities of its open segment economy.

The contrast between the government incomes and the consumptions is figured keeping in mind the end goal to quantify spending plan shortfall. Financial plan shortfall is inalienably obligation. Its continuation will brings about negative results in long haul. Financial plan shortage can be decreased in two ways:

The government tries to expand its income assets

The government tries to breaking point its consumptions

It has been watched that sometimes income increment or consumptions decrease impact on its relating variable and makes the received arrangement incapable. Hence preceding any budgetary approach making to control spending plan shortage the relationship between the government incomes and the consumptions ought to be determined and by discovering the variables connections and seeing how they influence upon one another proper money related arrangement is received.

One of the general population monetary issues which have not been examined all right yet is the relationship between the government incomes and the government current uses. Determination of the relationship between the government incomes and the uses gives the likelihood to utilize the proper money related arrangement to diminish spending plan shortage or to explain it. Indeed the inquiry is each of the incomes variables the amount to impact on the government current uses. The level of the relationship between these variables can impact on the activity of budgetary approach to lessen spending plan deficiency.

In UAE spending plan shortage is one of the qualities of its open part economy. As a rule the practiced approach for its control needs to more compelling. Since the government consumptions have expanded in some the years its incomes have declined. Subsequently before any choice on the best way to decrease spending plan shortage the relationship between the variables ought to be dead set.

The exploration concentrates on the relationship between the variables by the econometric routines. Indeed, the primary reason for this study is to gauge the relationship between the government incomes and the uses so as to adapt to UAE spending plan deficiency. Determination of the relationship will support the government practice the proper budgetary arrangement to lessen spending plan shortage. Deciding of the relationship between these variables will help the legislature to control its financial plan shortage by picking the suitable approach.

Over the late years a few studies have been directed on the impacts of the financial backing shortage on UAE economy. For instance, Blackley (196) found that brings up in the government charge incomes go before brings up in spending, thus may not bring about to littler elected deficiencies and the other study, in 1996, was indicated proof to bolster the perspective that spending ascents reason to assessment ascends at the elected level by Von Furstenberg, Green and Jeong.

The greater part of these studies have been on the impact of the financial backing deficiency on the variables like monetary development and swelling; notwithstanding, no effective study has been completed on the relationship between the government incomes and the uses or if any, it was in the previous decade. Hence, the investigation of the causative relationship between the said variables on the premise of the most recent information is suggestive of its new measurement; moreover, since financial states of UAE vary from those of most nations of the world in term of foundation, structure and association, the exploration discoveries can enhance the writing, different papers on this subject incorporate [12- 36]

The principle addresses in this study are as take after:

Is there a huge relationship between the duty incomes and the government current uses in UAE?

Is there a huge relationship between the government oil incomes and the government current consumptions in UAE?

Is there a huge relationship between the other government incomes and the government current consumptions in UAE?

The research Hypothesis are:

There is a critical relationship between the assessment incomes and the government current uses in UAE.

There is a critical relationship between the government oil incomes and the government current consumptions in UAE.

There is a critical relationship between the other government incomes and the government current consumptions in UAE.

Materials and Methods

Research strategy is unmistakable and scientific. To attain to the objective hypothetical talks and observational studies will be led by library systems. The obliged information, the related foundation data on experimental studiers and writing is gathered utilizing the web and the library strategies. The obliged factual information is accumulated from measurable information of Central Bank of UAE and UAEian Economic Literature & Data Bank (IELDB). In the wake of gathering the optional information, it is important to focus regarding life, is there any point to it the stationary for the information [31]. Unit root test of Augmented Dickey-Fuller (ADF) is requested it. At that point is utilized the direct relapse model to gauge the relationship between the government incomes and the consumptions in UAE. To gauge that model, the review applies Excel software. At that point huge of the model and coefficients researches utilizing fitting factual investigates

The model which is applied in this research as follow:

GE = α1+ α2TAR 3 OIR+α 4 OTR+ α

Where

GE = the government current expenditures in UAE TAR = the tax revenues in UAE

OIR = oil revenues in UAE

OTR= the other government revenues in UAE

The statistical Population limits UAE economy. The variables which are used in this study are annual time series data mainly from 1992 to 2014.

Results and Discussion

The primary venture to gauge the model is checking the stationary for the time arrangement information. The unit root test of Augmented Dickey-Fuller (ADF) is requisitioned test the stationary. Because of the results of the ADF test, at 5% certainty level, the greater part of the information are stationary for the first differencing. As it were, the variables have not unit root test while the variables are changed over to first contrast.

The results of this test are in the accompanying table:

Table1. The results of ADF test

The name of variable ADF statistics Critical Value at Stationary at 5% GE -3.798221 -3.644963 1st difference

TAR -5.548173 -3.632896 1st difference

OIR -4.195185 -3.587527 1st difference

OTR -4.588556 -3.644963 1st difference

Keeping in mind the end goal to gauge the relationship between the administrative current consumption and the government incomes in UAE are connected the straight relapse model. The coefficients of that model can be found from the beneath table:

Table2. Coefficients of Model

Included observations: 28 after adjustments Variable Coefficient Std. Error t-Statistic Prob.

OIR 0.511191 0.089356 5.720814 0.0000

OTR 0.823867 0.375234 2.195606 0.0380

TAR 1.332677 0.246128 5.414560 0.0000

C 6115.917 7858.466 0.778258 0.4440

R-squared 0.965253 Mean dependent var 150427.9

Adjusted R-squared 0.960910 S.D. dependent var 85791.85

S.E. of regression 16962.17 Akaike info criterion 22.44692

Sum squared resid 6.91E+09 Schwarz criterion 22.63724

Log likelihood -310.2569 Hannan-Quinn criter. 22.50510

F-statistic 222.2351 Durbin-Watson stat 1.587210

Prob(F-statistic) 0.000000 Therefore, the linear model for this study can be shown as follow: GE = 6115.917 + 1.33TAR + 0.511 OIR + 0.824 OTR (5.414560) (5.720814) (2.195606) 2=0.961 The results of the study show, in the model, the coefficients of the assessment income, the oil income and the other government incomes are 1.33, 0.511 and 0.824, individually. Because of the data of above table the greater part of the coefficients are huge at %5 certainty level.

z-Test: Two Sample for Means

  Variable 1 Variable 2

Mean 4.45 3.575

Known Variance 2 3

Observations 4 4

Hypothesized Mean Difference 0 z 0.782623792 P(Z<=z) one-tail 0.216924033 z Critical one-tail 1.644853627 P(Z<=z) two-tail 0.433848066 z Critical two-tail 1.959963985  

The results of the review express the oil income is one the most imperative variable to focus the administrative current consumption in UAE. The model coefficients are additionally measurably huge because of ANOVA test (see the ANOVA table as the take after): Table 3. ANOVAa

Model Sum of Squares df Mean Square F Sig.

Regression 191821331708.921 3 63940443902.974 222.235 .000b

Residual 6905167278.827 24 287715303.284 Total 198726498987.748 27 Because of the ANOVA information in table 3, the Sig is close to zero so the connections are critical among the legislative current consumption and the autonomous variables additionally the t-test measurement affirms it furthermore the estimation of R-Square is sufficient huge which shows the commitment of TAR, OIR and OTR on the administrative current use is 0.96.5%. The closeness of R2 and Adj-R2, 0.96%, demonstrates the Goodness of attack of information.

Ogive Curve

Accordingly, the absence of the relationship among the administrative current use and the government incomes, the invalid theory, is rejected thus the other speculation is acknowledged. As such, there are the positive relationships among the administrative current consumption and the free variables. For the most part, all of speculations are acknowledged implies that [31]:

1.There is a noteworthy relationship between the assessment incomes and the government current uses in UAE.

2.There is a critical relationship between the government oil incomes and the government current uses in UAE.

3.There is a critical relationship between the other government incomes and the government current uses in UAE.

So the government oil incomes play a fundamental deciding for the government current uses. Since the government current uses is a piece of the legislature imperative commitments and need to pay it so it must be given from those incomes which are more steady and the government is certain to issue them against all odds. So the aftereffects of the exploration can be helpful for the chiefs in UAE.

Conclusions

This study decides the effect of the government incomes on the government current uses in UAE amid 1992 to 2014. This review examines how government incomes changing influence on government uses. The consequences of the study demonstrate the oil income is a standout amongst the most critical components to focus the government current consumption level in UAE. So the consequences of this paper can be valuable for the chiefs in UAE. Moreover, since monetary states of UAE contrast from those of most nations of the world in term of organization, structure and association, the exploration discoveries can enhance the writing

REFERENCES

Adnan Mazarei, (1996), The UAEian Economy under the Islamic Republic: Institutional Change and Macroeconomic Performance (1979–1990), Cambridge Journal of Economics 20: 289–314

Ahmad, H., & Millar, S. M. (2000). Crowding-out and Crowdinging Effects of the Components of Government Expenditure. Contemporary Ecnomic Policy , 18, 124-133

Aisen, A., & Hauner, D. (2008). Budget Deficit and Interest Rates. IMF Working Papers , 42, 1- 21

Alberto Alesina and Allan Drazen, (1991), Why Are Stabilizations Delayed?, American Economic Review 81, 1170–88

Al-Khedair, S. I. (1996). The Impact of the Budget Defecit on Key Macroeconomic variables in the Major Industrial Countries. PhD Dissertation, Florida Atlantic University

Bahmani, O. M. (1999), The Federal Budget Deficits Crowd-out or Crowd-in Private Investment. Journal of Policy Modeling , 21, 633-640

Barro. (1978). Comment from an Unreconstructed Ricardian. Journal of Monetary Economics, 4, 569-581

Barro. (1979). On the Determination of the Public Debt. Journal of Political Economy, 87, 240- 271

Blackley, P. R., (1986), Causality between revenues and expenditure and the size of the Federal Budget, Public Finance Quarterly

The Functions of Parties.

The functions of parties

Introduction

Political parties can be defined as institutions that comprise of organized groups of people with similar ideological views that seek to formulate policies reflecting these ideologies, in order to convince others of the validity of their views, and to be voted for in the government so that they are able to implement their policies (Heywood, 2006). Although often taken advantage of by politicians and the public alike, political parties do carry out significant roles in every political system, and in nations with democratic traditions, they are certainly a necessary part of the democratic process. The UK has several political parties, with the major ones being Labour, Liberal Democrat and the Conservative Party. The three political parties work in both the House of Lords and the House of Commons carrying out various functions. This particular paper therefore seeks to provide an analysis of the functions of political parties in the UK and how well they do perform their functions today.

According to Heywood (2006), although political parties are often defined by the central function of filling the political office and the exercising of government power, their influence on the political system is significantly broader and more complex. However, despite this, a number of general functions of political parties can be identified.

One major function of political parties in the UK is that of leaders’ formation and recruitment (Heywood, 2006).Parties of all kinds in the UK have the responsibilities of providing the state with political leaders, and more commonly, politicians attain office by virtue of their political parties. The UK Parliamentary System is organized along party lines. The leader of the majority party normally becomes the Prime Minister and chooses his Cabinet and other Government ministers from among the members of parliament of his/her own party. Some members of the party of the House of Lords can also be appointed with both Cabinet and Government Ministers expected to conform to the doctrine of Collective Cabinet responsibility. Cabinet and other ministerial positions are therefore filled by higher-ranking party figures. Therefore, as highlighted by Heywood (2006), political parties in the UK offer a training ground for politicians, endowing them with skills, knowledge and experience as well as providing them with some form of a career structure, albeit one that depends on the party fortunes.

Political parties in the UK are also charged with a representative role. As highlighted by Heywood (2006), representation is more often than not seen as the most important function of political parties. It can be described as s the capacity of political parties to respond to as well as communicate the views of both members and electorates. According to the systems theory, political parties are significant inputting devices that make sure that the government pays attention to the needs as well as the wishes of the society at large. Heywood (2006) argues that this is a political party function that is best carried out, however, believed to be carried out only due to an open and competitive system that forces political parties to respond to popular preferences. Rational-choice theorists enlighten this process by arguing out that political market parallels the economic market in that political leaders (politicians) act essentially as entrepreneurs seeking votes, implying that political parties behave much like businesses. Power therefore ultimately resides with consumers, who are in this case the voters.

Therefore, as the representative of their electorates, Political leaders act as representatives elected to use their own independent judgment in the interests of their electorates rather than simply reflecting their electorates’ opinions. Under the guidance of a strictly constitutional interpretation, the elected political candidates often represent territorial constituencies, but also serve to represent a range of socio-economic groups within the national legislature.

Another function for which political parties in the UK have traditionally taken responsibility of is that of articulation and aggregation. According to Heywood (2006), in their process of developing collective goals, political parties in the UK help in articulating as well as aggregating the various interests found within the society. Political parties often develop as vehicles through which business, religious, labour, ethnic or other groups press forward or defend their various interests. According to Heywood (2006), the UK Labour Party was, for instance, formed by a trade union movement with the objective of attaining a working class political representation. The fact that these national political parties consistently articulate the demands of large groups forces them to aggregate these particular interests by drawing them together into a coherent whole, balancing competing interests against each other. Constitutional parties are normally forced to do this due to pressures of electoral competition.

Socialization and mobilization forms another significant function of the UK political parties. As highlighted by Heywood (2006), through their internal debates and discussions, campaigning and electoral competition, the UK political parties play a significant function as agents of political education and socialization. The issues that these political parties focus on helps in setting the political agenda, and the values and attitudes that they express become part of the larger UK culture. In principle, political leaders and spokespersons of major political parties in the UK try to enlighten both general principles and particular policies as clear as possible so as to provide electorates with clear choice.

The political parties also encourage more commitment individuals to become party members so as to provide finance, to help with organization, to be a source of new ideas and, in some cases, to become councilors, MPs or Members of the desolved assemblies’ party. According to Dalton (2008), it is argued that through political participation individuals are able to enhance their own political understanding and contribute to the common good of the country. Political parties therefore seek to ideally facilitate political education in addition to encouraging citizen participation in politics.

As highlighted by Webb (2000), it is argued predominantly within the democratic pluralist perspective that existing mainstream political parties institutionalize social as well as economic conflict that restricts the possibility of potentially violent social and political revolution and in its place promote peaceful, rationally organized, gradual social as well as political change. According to Kavanagh (2002) therefore, political parties in the UK represent a coalition of different groups within the society and provide a means through which conflicting elements of similar interests are reconciled, harmonized and thereafter fed into the political system. For instance, it has been recognized that capitalists’ societies did generate huge increases in output in addition to increases in economic wealth for successful factory owners but factory employees were forced to work under dangerous conditions with low wages.

According to Webb (2000), Marxists and other radical social theorists claimed that this situation contained the seeds of conflict which in some way could result in violent revolution and an overthrow of the capitalist order. However, this has not occurred in capitalist societies partly due to the fact that political parties in liberal democracies must gain a significant proportion of the working class votes in order to secure elections which implies that they have to address the concerns of these working class voters by providing them with higher wages, as well as a much more improved social services through the expansion of the welfare state.

As a result of this, potentially violent conflicts related to the distribution of wealth, income and opportunities have been institutionalized within the political parties’ activities thus rendering violent revolution unnecessary and in similar ways political ways related to the women rights and ethnic minorities have also been institutionalized (Webb,2000).

Lastly, political parties play the role of forming and organizing the government. According to Heywood (2006), complex contemporary societies would not be governable without political parties. In the first place, political parties help in the formation of governments in parliamentary systems to an extent that it is possible to talk of a party government. Political parties also provide the government with a degree of stability as well as coherence, especially if members of that particular government are taken from a single party and are thus united by common considerations and attachments.

Even parties created from a coalition are likely to cultivate unity and agreement than those that consist of separate individuals each with their own priorities. Political parties, additionally, facilitate co-operation between the two main branches of the government: the assembly and the executive. In parliamentary systems, just like in the UK, this is effectively made certain due to the fact that the government is created from the party or parties that have majority control in the assembly (Heywood, 2006). Finally, they provide they provide an important source of opposition as well as criticism, both inside and outside the government. They therefore broaden the political debate and in the process educating the voters. This helps to ensure that government policy is thoroughly scrutinized, therefore workable.

How well do political parties perform their functions today

One of the major functions of political parties in any democratic democracy is to organize accountable as well as effective governance. However, political parties in contemporary democracies, the UK not an exception, have often seemed to struggle to enforce distinctive and effective policy solutions when in government.

According to Garnett & Lynch (2007), the Conservative and Labour parties which have been the two major parties of the UK since the 1920s have had deep, lasting divisions amongst them. The deepest and most lasting of these divisions between them has been economic. To some extent, this is because the parties have often found it difficult to make a difference to policy outcomes given the legacies of past incumbents in office. In addition, it is also well known that a variety of macro-social developments have seriously constrained the UK government’s scope for autonomous action, including economic cycles, technological changes as well as demographic and social trends.

These factors explain why the UK political parties have since the end of the long post-war boom suffered from the prevalent perception of policy ineffectiveness; the apparent failures of the UK government to solve persistent national policy problems that tend to undermine the popular status of political parties-particularly when the failures are associated with more than a political party in a system (Garnett & Lynch, 2007). Moreover, the lack of autonomy has been made worse by the globalization of economic processes, which further harmed national governments so that they can always respond to domestic demands in way that fully satisfies local interests on which they depend for their legitimacy and authority.

Even though contemporary political parties remain central to the functioning of any democratic system, their relationship with the public has also dropped dramatically in the recent years (Webb, 2000). Their relationship with the public is therefore widely seen as being in crisis. There is a lot of talk of disconnect, apathy and alienation and the search is on for reasons as well as for ways to put things in order. The blame for this state of affairs is heaped on various targets with political parties and politicians inevitably leading the way, but to some extent, less tangibly, the political system is likely to be criticized from some quarters. In assessing all this, it is evident that political parties have probably never really dominated all the functions claimed for them. It is not surprising that political parties in the UK are dominated by political leaders who successfully limit the influence on policy of their more left-wing activist.

Mainstream political parties in the UK have addressed social conflicts arising out significant class inequalities of income, opportunity, patterns of gender, wealth, power and ethnic disadvantage but they have without a doubt not solved them because to do so successfully would entail radical and perhaps revolutionary change to the capitalist system; and so far as electorates continue to vote for mainstream political parties they do so at least partly due to the powerful processes of political socialization that prevent them from realizing where their true interests really lie (Budge et. al, 2007).

In this point of view, therefore, mainstream political parties in the UK do play a significant role towards the long stability of liberal democracy but they do so by holding back the prospects for economic equality and a more participatory democracy.

Conclusion and Criticism

From the above analysis, it is clear that Political parties in the UK fulfill a range of functions that are crucial to the overall operation of UK’s liberal political system. They offer a series of links between the people, their representatives as well as their governments such that it is not easy to see how any liberal democratic political system could work without political parties.

On the other hand, it is also evident that political parties today do not carry out these functions entirely effectively: electorates’ interests may be inadequately represented; effective government may be held back by problems associated with weak coalition government; opportunities for rank participation in the policy making process are rather limited; political parties may deal with conflicts without solving them; and electorates might too readily give in the operation of liberal democratic processes, failing to recognize their inadequacies. Therefore, it can be concluded that although political parties contribute to the operation of liberal democratic political systems, they can surely do so more effectively.

References

Budge et. al, 2007, The New British Politics.

Dalton, R. J, 2008, Citizen Politics: Public Opinion and Political Parties in Advanced Industrial Democracies, 5th Edition, CQ Press.

Garnett, M & Lynch, P, 2007, Exploring British politics, Longman Publishers.

Heywood, A, 2006, Politics: Parties and Party Systems, Palgrave McMillan

Kavanagh, D, 2002, Political Parties, Pearson Longman

Webb, P.D, 2000, The modern British Party System, SAGE.