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Policy options for the European Union
Policy options for the European Union1.‘One of the aims of EMU was that only the global balance of payments of the European Union with the rest of the world would be of importance and not those between members.’
In relation to the alternative BoP theories, evaluate the policy options for EITHER (i) the European Union as a whole
Balance of payment, a concept that is defined by Fieleke (1996, p.3) as a record of all the transactions between the residents of a country and other foreign residents over a specified time interval is critical to the monetary stability of any given economy. Euro crisis for instance, is attributed to balance of payments disequilibria that affected the Eurozone (Sinn, 2012, p.3).Sinn and Wollmershäuser (2012) indeed argued that the Euro crisis is basically a balance-of-payments crisis that is analogous to the Bretton Woods crisis (p.1). One of the aims of European Monetary Union (EMU) was that only the global balance of payments of the European Union with the rest of the world be of importance and not those between members. However, it has failed miserably in containing the balance-of-payments crisis affecting the region (Katsimi & Moutos, 2010, p.568).In this paper, we evaluate alternatives and then focus on the optimal policy alternative(s) that the EU can use in addressing the BoP disequilibria with the rest of the world.
Popularised by Wolf (2012), the treatment of the European crisis as a form of balance of payment (BoP) crisis is rapidly becoming dominant. Therefore, the main cause of the crisis must be found in the much easier access for a large number of peripheral EMU countries to the greater European financial markets at much lower nominal interest rates (Wyplosz, 2012). Instances of financial liberalisation coupled with the removal of the exchange rate risk are noted by Merler and Pisani-Ferry (2012) to have encouraged massive capital flows from the core regions to the periphery countries in the region’s ‘periphery’. Autonomous consumption which was credit-financed effectively determined a growth of both the domestic demand as well as of the nominal wages at a rate which was higher than in core regions. The higher inflation rates in the periphery, effectively determined low real interest rates which was a support to the region’s domestic demand (De Grauwe Paul, 1998). As Dadush et al., (2010) noted, the fiscal mess at the periphery was not the main cause of Euro-zone‘s sovereign debt crisis. The recorded growth of domestic demand was effectively associated to a rising developed housing bubble both in Ireland and Spain, as well as to the growth of public spending in EU nations such as Greece (Reinhart, 2011).
According to Krugman’s (2011) contribution on the analysis of the origin of EMU crisis, the choices that were made by European politicians are the main reason for the crisis. The politicians’ move of calling for a much closer union immediately after the German reunification instead of considering economic reasons is noted to be what precipitated to the disaster. This is in line with the views of Carlo Panico (2010) that attributed the origins of the economic crisis in institutional failure. According to his premise, EMU institutional failures are what precipitated the EU crisis and he noted that the specific cause was the speculative attacks’ to EU peripheral state that were by the regarded as in-debt countries. This argument is however disputable as noted by Cesaratto (2011a,2011b) due to the fact that its takes undue advantage on a crisis that is much older and having more profound root causes.
There exists several policy alternatives that can be used in fixing the BoP mess that EMU has failed to take care of. The work of Panico (2010, p. 5) proposed the establishment of an independent authority that is similar to the ECB to be put in charge of the region’s fiscal policy. This is however noted by Cesaratto (2011a) to be disputable, mainly from a Keynesian point of view, because it certainly elicits a reaction on of a body whose general mandate is limited to fiscal rigor (Keynes,1980). Additionally, an independent fiscal authority would end up increasing the general lack of democratic accountability of the economic decisions made in the European regions. The European Central Bank (ECB) is noted by Richter and Wahl (2011) to be one of the most important players in the sovereign debt crisis that gripped the Euro-zone. Its operations were based strictly, on the monetarist’s idea of central banking that reduced central banks to be mere guardians of citizens against consumer price inflations. In the process, the body totally ignored inflation of financial asset prices. Also ignored were employment, growth and financial stability. This therefore means that faults in the very design of the ECB and to be specific, with the monetarist ideals and obsession with issues of consumer price inflation coupled with the undemocratic, unaccountable and nontransparent nature of the institution.
Expenditure changing and expenditure switching
Expenditure changing and expenditure switching are noted by Caves et al (2002) to be excellent methods for achieving both internal and external balance of payments. In any given open economy scenario, policymakers are tasked with aiming to achieve two main goals that are both necessary for the achievement of a macroeconomic stability. These are internal and external stability (Reinert et al., 2010, p.398). Internal balance, they note, is a state whereby a given economy is at it optimal level of output which is achieved by fully engaging a nation’s resources and maintaining the stability of domestic price levels. External balance on the other hand is achieved when a nation is operating neither at an excessive level of current account deficit nor at a surplus. This means that net exports are either close or equal to zero. Expenditure changing policy as well as expenditure switching policy are noted by Reinert et al. (2010) to be two rather independent policy mechanisms or tools that can be used in the attainment of internal and external balances.
The expenditure changing approach is a special macroeconomic adjustment technique that has an emphasis that the level of aggregate demand contraction (using the appropriate monetary and fiscal policies) can help in reducing the level of a nation’s total expenditure with an inclusion of imports and thereby helping by improving external balance of payment. The problem with this approach is that it could lead to a general reduction of both import and exports in cases where exports have particularly large import levels. This approach is not suitable for the entire EU region due to the fact that the nations have different fiscal policies on which it is dependent.
The expenditure switching approach on the other hand is a macroeconomic adjustment technique that has an emphasis on currency devaluation and thereby making imports to be less attractive in term of price and hence forcing the domestic consumers to replace the imports with the locally available substitutes. The main problem with this approach however, is that it is very sensitive of both domestic and foreign consumers in regards to the price changes. For example, whenever the domestic demand for certain imports become inelastic to price changes or to foreign exchange rate, price devaluation would in this case be ineffective in regard to external deficit reduction. If fiscal expansion is successfully implemented, then money demands as well as interest rate would subsequently increase and thereby discouraging private investment. This only occurs if some degree of price stickiness is inherently assumed. It can also lead to worsening of net exports.
Among the above mentioned, expenditure switching policies, the most suitable policy for solving the Euro crisis is devaluation since it would affect the current account balances as well as the output equilibrium levels of the EU economy. Devaluation would increase the domestic price of import while at the same time decrease the export’s foreign price. The degree to which devaluation would improve the current balances is however dependent on the level of elasticity of demand for both the imports and exports. In accordance to the Marshall-Lerner condition, if the total sum of a nation’s or region’s elasticity of demand for imports and exports is larger than one, then the depreciation of the nation’s or region’s domestic currency would lead to the improvement of the current account. The Marshall–Lerner condition is noted by Davidson (2009) to be a technical reason for devaluation of a nation’s or region’s currency needs to be gradual and not immediate in an effort of improving the balance of trade. According to Bahmani-Oskoee and Ratha (2004), trade in goods is normally inelastic within the short term period as a result of the time taken in changing consuming patterns as well as trade contracts. If Marshall–Lerner condition is never met, then devaluation is not likely to worsen the trade imbalance at the initial stages. However, in the long run, the consumers would adjust to the set prices and the level of trade balance would improve. (Bahmani-Oskooee,2011)
The control of money supply can only be affected by ECB. However, this is a far less favourable approach due to the weaknesses facing ECB.As pointed out earlier, and European Central Bank (ECB) is noted by Richter and Wahl (2011) to be one of the most important players in the sovereign debt crisis that gripped the Euro-zone. Its operations were based strictly, on the monetarist’s idea of central banking that reduced central banks to be mere guardians of citizens against consumer price inflations. In the process, the body totally ignored inflation of financial asset prices. Also ignored were employment, growth and financial stability. This therefore means that faults in the very design of the ECB and to be specific, with the monetarist ideals and obsession with issues of consumer price inflation coupled with the undemocratic, unaccountable and nontransparent nature of the institution (Milbradt,2012).
The most efficient policy in resolving BoP disequilibria with minimal negative externalities is devaluation. This can be achieved by means of expenditure switching policies which as earlier postulated, is the most suitable policy for solving the Euro crisis is devaluation since it would affect the current account balances as well as the output equilibrium levels of the EU economy. Devaluation would increase the domestic price of import while at the same time decrease the export’s foreign price. The degree to which devaluation would improve the current balances is however dependent on the level of elasticity of demand for both the imports and export. The only condition is that the Marshall–Lerner condition must be met otherwise the condition would worsen.
The Euro-crisis is a crisis that can only be tackled with a series of policies which can only be implemented over a longer period of time. There needs to be patience and cooperation among major players in the EU economy. The ECB must play its role in stabilising the macro and micro economic variables of the EU economy. The entire EU banking landscape needs to be reformed (Leppänen,2012).At this point, it would wise for policy makers to focus more on a Keynesian principles in a bid to solve the Euro-crisis and expenditure switching is such a policy that is based on Keynesian ideals.
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Policy on Somali Pirates
Policy on Somali Pirates
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Date
Executive Summary
The problem of the Somali Pirates continues to hurt the international community. The recent attach made by the pirates was on January 17th 12014. Although it was unsuccessful, it sent a strong signal that the pirates are determined, and they are still planning the best ways they can revert to their destructive attacks. The United States use of the Navy to combat piracy has achieved the first phase, which is preventing attacks. It has, however, not achieved the main aim, which is to terminate piracy along the Somali coast. Some factors including lack of effective diplomacy and support from the neighboring countries and the Somali government makes the move difficult. Options available include employing effective diplomatic ties and supporting the Somali government.
Background:
The problems of pirates along the Somali coast have been an international problem since the 1990s. International trade and security have been threatened by the problem prompting response by the international community to combat the problem. The year 2010 alone accounts for more than 12 billion US Dollars in loss through cargo insurance, ransom money, and military protection. Military interventions have been made unsuccessfully by the NATO, European Union, and the United Nations. Somalia is a country dismantled by civil war, making the pirates to enjoy freedom in undertaking their illegal activities. The major factor aggravating the Somali pirate problem is the lack of a central government making the pirates to be commanders of themselves.
Aggravating factors for Somali Pirates:
To the pirates along the Somali coast, piracy is like an economic activity to them. The gains from piracy are very lucrative. An attack from a ship can feed thousands for months. This keeps them moving. It is estimated that piracy profits in Somali amounts to fifty three million US dollars per year. This is a great motivation for the pirates. Further, they attract funding from business people, government officials, militia and religious leaders, clan elders and their people from other countries. It is argued that some people funding the pirates are operating in the outside countries including the United States. The recent development that aggravates the problem is support from local authorities from the Somali coast. This clearly indicates that, if the Somali government is strengthened, an end to piracy along the Somali coast can be realized.
Position of major actors:
Several groups come into play to realize the development of piracy in Somali. Firstly, there is the Somali government that has continually given a deaf ear to the international community concerning the fight for piracy. The Somali government sometimes makes promises to cooperate in ending the problem, but it has not been seen to do so. Secondly, there are the international financiers. These are located in different countries, and they also provide intelligence information to the pirates. Thirdly, there are the local supporters and financiers. These include clan elders and the local government along the Somali coast. Lastly are the pirates. They are organized into groups. There are the attackers, the organizers, the intelligence, and the trainers.
Possible reactions from the groups affected:
The intervention in the Somali piracy question has far reaching potential reactions. Unless these potential reactions are checked, the pirates are going to emerge stronger than before. In the year 2013, the US Navy managed to prevent major attacks by the pirates. However, the pirates are determined to venture more into their actions, as confirmed by their January 17, 2014 attack. Beneficiaries of the piracy are not happy with it and will do anything to be back. These include the local government along the Somali coast, international financiers, local financiers, clan elders and the pirate groups. A lasting solution towards the problem is needed.
Suggested recommendations:
Several attempts by the international community have not been successful in solving the piracy problem. Where success has been realized, it has only lasted for a short period. There is need to embark on proactive measures of solving this problem rather than employing reactive measures alone. The intervention by the US army in the year 2013 is commendable. However, more alternative methods need to be employed to provide a long-lasting solution to the problem. The NATO, the European Union, and the United Nations have tried too, but the problem remains. If this problem is not looked into, it will continue to threaten international trade and security, and losses will continually be realized. This policy paper recommends a combination of two ways of providing a long-lasting solution to the problem.
Supporting the government of Somalia and involving the neighboring countries in a diplomatic manner may end the Somali problem for ever. The main aggravating factor on the pirates is the absence of intervention by the government. The local government in the coast even cooperates with the pirates. Going by this fact, employing military tactics to end piracy can be equated to fighting the government of Somalia, aggravating retaliatory attacks, which can lead to war. Going by this, there is a need to support the Somali government and arouse its commitment to fight piracy. The main advantage of this diplomatic method is that the problem will be dealt with internally. It will be very effective because this government will easily identify the main actors. Further, the advantage of including neighboring countries, like Kenya and Ethiopia is notable. These countries are very close to the Somali coast and can render assistance to the Somali government easily. Further, using a neutral body like the United Nations is recommendable than a single country employing military intervention. It is agreeable that this is an international problem; it needs an international intervention. If this is done, an end to the problem of Somali pirates may be realized.
OUTLINE:
POLICY PAPER ON SOMALI PIRATES:
TO: US Foreign Policy Department
FROM: [Name of student]
SUBJECT: Addressing the Somali Piracy question
DATE: 22nd Feb 2014.
Summary:
The Somali piracy problem has been an international problem over a long period of time. Military intervention has only ended the problem for a short time. There is the need to inform diplomatic efforts to end the problem for ever.
Background:
The Somali piracy problem has existed since 1990s. International trade and security is greatly affected by the problem. Losses are tremendous. Many players are involved. To end the problem, there is needed to look deeply into the whole issue.
Aggravating factors:
Profits from the piracy are a major factor. The support rendered by the local government and also the local leaders, has come up to be very beneficial to the pirates. International financiers are also in play.Major actors:
The major groups into play are international financiers, local government, local leaders, clan elders, local financiers, and the pirate groups.
Potential reactions:
After being defeated in the attacks, the piracy groups re-organize themselves and come back to attack while armed more.
Recommendations:
The policy recommends effective diplomatic intervention that involves neighboring countries, and has a strategy to support the Somali government.
