Recent orders
EVALUATIOMN OF NO SEX FOR FISH PROGRAMME
EVALUATION OF “NO SEX FOR FISH” PROGRAM
Name
Institution
EVALUATION OF “NO SEX FOR FISH” PROGRAM
“No Sex for Fish” is a developmental program that targets women from fishing villages around Lake Victoria. Precisely, a local not-for-profit organization called VIRED (the Victoria Institute for Research on Environment and Development) strives to empower the local women by offering them boats for fishing with the aim of fighting a vice called jaboya (sex for fish) (Davis & Silver, 2019). Accordingly, the program revolves around aspects of poverty, inequality and psychological stress. Following the dramatic drop in the population of fish in Lake Victoria due to overfishing and presence of excess pollutants, locals who’s economy rely primarily on fish face massive problems; high demand for the available fish. Subsequently, the vulnerable persons, especially widows, are ready to do or give anything and everything possible to acquire the valuable resource. Unfortunately, the male persons that tend to dominate the fishing practice take advantage of the situation and oppress the women. Similarly, many vulnerable persons from other parts of the globe encounter same troubles that are perpetrated by the male persons.
Accordingly, the “No Sex for Fish” is a successful development program that focuses on the gender-based violence and oppression in the fight against poverty and improvement of the wellbeing of people (Oyěwùmí, 2005). “No Sex for Fish” clearly states that sex should not be abused as a basis for economic prosperity. Instead, the development program endeavors to economically empower women, thus significantly filling the gap between the rich and the poor. Also, the program succeeds in the fight against detrimental psychological conditions that haunted women, forcing them to engage in risky sexual behaviors (Wilkinson & Pickett, 2017). Initially, the women’s only option was to sell their bodies for the fish since they could not afford to compete with other fish traders with more money. Consequently, the program attracts lots of benefits that entail economic boost, significant decline in the sex trade and psychological wellbeing among the women.
However, the program does not provide a lasting solution to the disastrous economic differences. The women are inspired and ready to fight against the unfortunate oppression due to their gender (Dangarembga & Daniel, 1988). Unfortunately, the program does not ensure continued attainment of income by such women. As a result, most of the women could end up engaging in similar sex trade and face psychological problems as the program comes to an end following the grounding of many boats. Also, some of the women would sell and dispose of livestock and other property they had acquired from the fishing practice to fend for their families, thus rendering them more vulnerable to abuse and other forms of abuse due to poverty. Moreover, the program seems to promote division of resources based on gender by focusing on one gender, the female persons (Peterson & Runyan, 2014). Accordingly, the male persons could feel unvalued and isolated from the project that promotes economic development through provision of fishing boats. Subsequently, the male persons could psychologically, economically and socially suffer because most of them have been struggling to be the dominant gender. Therefore, the program should have reconsidered its processes to ensure that every person in the community benefits and realize sustained economic prosperity.
In conclusion, the “No Sex for Fish” is a great development program that focuses on filling the economic gap in the community. Luckily, the program results in drastic reduction in instances of undesired social practices and psychological problems. Unfortunately, the program does not provide lasting solutions to the problems of economic inequality and gender-based oppression because many women could end up in devastation following stoppage of support by the nonprofit organization. Hence, the program should have reconsidered its processes and strategies to ensure that every person in the society benefits significantly.
References
Dangarembga, T., & Daniel, S. (1988). Nervous conditions (p. 15). London: Women’s Press.
Davis, R., & Silver, M. (2019). No Sex For Fish: How Women In A Fishing Village Are Fighting For Power. Retrieved 9 February 2020, from https://www.npr.org/sections/goatsandsoda/2019/12/26/789129312/no-sex-for-fish-how-women-in-a-fishing-village-are-fighting-for-powerOyěwùmí, O. (2005). Visualizing the body: Western theories and African subjects. In African Gender Studies A Reader (pp. 3-21). Palgrave Macmillan, New York.
Peterson, V. S., & Runyan, A. S. (2014). Gendered Lenses on World Politics. Global Gender Issues in the New Millennium. 4th ed., Boulder: Westview Press. Dilemmas in World Politics, 39-98.
Wilkinson, R. G., & Pickett, K. E. (2017). The enemy between us: The psychological and social costs of inequality. European Journal of Social Psychology, 47(1), 11-24.
Traditional Nandi Culture
Traditional Nandi Culture
Name
Name of the Institution
Traditional Nandi Culture
The Nandi are a people who are found in East Africa mainly in Kenya. The Nandi people have over the years maintained their pre-colonial activities amidst the growing western influence. Nandi people are found in a district on the highlands of Kenya. They have vast lands that they use for herding and farming. They also have a rich heritage that is however being eroded by external influence (Oboler, n.d.).
In the Nandi traditional culture, boys who have not yet circumcised are considered as children. This applies no matter the age of the boy. At fifteen years old, a boy is considered as a child. This is the case until the boy is circumcised. Nandi boys are initiated into adulthood at the age of fifteen and sixteen years. They will now be considered as young men and thus they can indulge in sexual activities.
‘The problem was that boys are “children” as long as they remain uncircumcised, which can be as old as sixteen or eighteen’ (Oboler, n.d.).
Nandi girls, on the other hand, are closely watched and supervised by their mothers. They do house chores and take care of their siblings. They fetch firewood and do a lot of cleaning. The Nandi girls also have a rite of passage. They are usually elevated to the status of womanhood after undergoing the cut. This is a type of female circumcision. According to Oboler (n.d) this entails removing the girls’ clitoris, a procedure known as clitoridectomy. Before the boys and girls are circumcised, they are usually allowed to mingle and interact with each other. This interaction goes to the extent of boys hosting their girlfriends in their huts. All this happens and yet no sexual intercourse occurs. Girls know that they have to be virgins by the time they are circumcised.
Nandi young men have to spend more than ten years after being circumcised before they can marry. This is so as to enable them attain a certain status and accrue enough cattle for himself so as to be a real man. He needs these cows to pay bride price. Young women in the Nandi community, contrary to the young men, are married off as soon as they heal from their initiation. Usually, they would have already been booked for marriage such that after initiation, they go to their husbands. Their marriage is mostly arranged (Oboler n.d). Young women of the age of sixteen and seventeen are often married to men more than twice their age.
‘At the wedding feast, the animals are displayed so that the bride’s brothers can come later to take them away. The cattle given as bridewealth for a daughter should be used for the marriages of, or inherited by, only her full brothers’ (Oboler n.d).
Men are the head of the family. They are respected by their wives. Men of the same age-set usually socialize together. Men do not frequent the kitchen area. The kitchen is a preserve for women. A man may physically punish his wife if she disrespects him. Disrespect would bring shame to the man. Men control most of the family property though they may have to consult some issues first with their wives before making a decision. A further study into the family setting indicates that there is usually some property that is owned by the both the husband and the wife. This means that as much as the man is the head of the family, he does not control all the assets the family owns (Oboler n.d).
The Masai do not differ a lot from the Nandi people in terms of their family settings. They also have initiation performed on both boys and girls. Boys have the responsibility of herding and girls take care of their other children. Something worth noting is that, the Masai women construct their huts which are made of cow dung (African Crafts Market. (1998)
The Nandi culture is different in several aspects from our culture. First of all, we do not have female circumcision. This to us is considered barbaric and a violation to the woman. This is a big difference because the cut usually has a lot of negative effects on the woman. Another aspect that is different from ours is the sharing of items among an age-set. The Nandi men of the same age-group share belongings to the extent of sharing wives.
A major difference is the treating of grown up teenagers as children. The women undress before anyone they consider a child regardless of their age. This is different from our own culture that considers nudity as a personal and a private matter.
Gender roles between the two cultures are different. Boys and girls have their roles defined. This is not so with the American culture. Here, gender roles have been abandoned. Men and women can do as they choose. There is liberty to choose your spouse. There is freedom to get married or remain celibate. Women here have taken the roles that men play in the Nandi community. American women are the heads of their families, if they are single parents. Men have entered into professions such as cooking. Cooking is considered effeminate in the Nandi and Masai cultures. Also, the tradition here in America promotes a marriage between one man and one woman. Polygamy here is not welcomed leave alone tolerated.
No doubt that female circumcision promotes gender inequalities in the Nandi and Masai cultures. This tradition prevents the woman from enjoying her sexuality. She suffers a lot during child birth, something which is unfair. The cut is supposed to prevent the woman from being unfaithful to her husband, an idea that is outdated. Girls are married off at a young age making them less likely to complete their education. Lack of equal opportunity to formal learning has promoted gender inequalities. In that case, girls are unable to self-actualize themselves.
Traditional Nandi culture has changed with the introduction of formal education. They are now able to be more innovative and bring change to their society. Christianity has also made move away from their polygamous practices to a monogamous family. There is also a massive campaign against female circumcision. These changes have helped women rise from the past cruelties and are now claiming their rights.
References
Oboler, R. S. (n.d). Nandi: From Cattle-Keepers to Cash-Crop Farmers. Portraits TOC
African Crafts Market. (1998). Tribes & People Groups: Maasai (Masai). From http://www.africancraftsmarket.com/Maasai_people.htm
Traditional Crafts of Saudi Arabia
TRADITIONAL CRAFTS OF SAUDI ARABIA
Name
Course
Tutor
Date
Traditional Crafts of Saudi Arabia
Traditional crafts in Saudi Arabia are part of social identity, country’s creativity and cultural heritage (Laudan, 2001). The skills get passed from one generation to the next in order to preserve the traditions to future generations. The traditional culinary crafts and dining customs in Saudi Arabia are pottery and ceramics like large jars and vases. There are also stockpots, copper utensils, sesame oil for food purposes and plates. According to Topham (1986), Saudi Arabia dining customs include hand-made confectionary, dates molasses, dehydrated yogurt and honey in containers. Other traditional crafts present in Saudi Arabia that complement culinary crafts are weaving, nomadic equipment, household crafts, traditional weapons and costumes.
Saudi traditional metal work in Saudi Arabia is finding its popularity in the international market due to quality artistic work in the metallic and ceramic products (Topham, 1986). The metallic crafts use natural and mineral raw materials found underground. The craftsmen purify iron, aluminium, copper and other minerals and reconstruct into desired product. Different types of clay make different pottery and ceramics products. The traditional craftsmen make copper utensils that include copper pots, and containers for storing liquids and foods. In the past, people used traditional crafts according to the category and craft product. For example, Saudi Arabian traditional cuisine was prepared during special events like wedding ceremony, anniversaries, and Islamic religious festivals. Special traditional drinks could be available during traditional ceremonies, and the drinks were particular to some guest of honours. In the current society, traditional crafts are used for beauty and anaesthetic of the house environment.
Thousands of years, Saudi Arabia is known for its cultural and commercial activities of traditional crafts (Koc, 2013). Several pre-Islamic kingdoms controlled the economic and cultural activities taking place in the country. The emergence of the new modern era does not put too much effort to the appreciation of tradition culinary, metalwork and ceramic crafts. Muslim culture and traditional get maintained in the modern society especially jewellery, and cloaks of men and women. Tradition arts are essential in learning modern art in Saudi Arabia since they create participation of government and institution to maintain the crafts. Education institution and government bodies are building new museums to preserve and store traditional crafts and arts. Civilization is leading to eradication of some traditional practices; the museum department is preserving some of the protocol practises in order to attract scholars and international clients towards Saudi Arabia museums (Azab, 2011).
The traditional arts of Saudi Arabia are full of diversity including wooden, leather, metal and, woven objects. Saudi Arabia traditional crafts are unique and reflect the traditional customs and practices of the natives. Mass media and use of delegates will help in marketing the Arabian traditional crafts overseas. Theses traditional crafts do not get old-fashioned and remain marketable in the local and international market. The government of Saudi Arabia organizes international trade fairs and participate in expo exhibition to market and create awareness of the beautiful cultural practices in Saudi Arabia. The traditional artisans train young and talented artisans in making some of the traditional arts in order to maintain the cultural arts and crafts for future generation. The consulting traditional bodies encourage young and talented youths to join craftsmen schools and classes to gain useful skills that will make Saudi Arabia traditional crafts marketable for over thousand years (Yamani, 2004)).
Traditional culinary crafts of Saudi Arabia include Arabic coffee (Weiss, 2012). Arabic coffee has Islamic religious meaning. Islam believers do not consume alcoholic drinks or eat pork; hence do not engage in producing foods or drinks that may lead to alcohol production in large quantities. Arabic coffee is made of light grown Arabic coffee, ground cardamom and at least two cups of water. Coffee, cardamom and water are missed together and boiled for two to three minutes. A pinch of Saffron gets added for flavour. A Saudi dumpling is dessert dough made of white flour, milk, salt, baking powder and, egg. The flour, salt, egg and water get mixed together to form a thick batter. The dough get fermented for six hours and deep fried until it turns golden brown. Dumplings get soaks in cold syrup and served as soon as after soaking them. The dumplings are best served with a hot drink.
Saudi Spice Mix is also called Baharat. Baharat is made of black pepper, coriander powder, cinnamon, clove ground, nutmeg, paprika, curry powder and lime (Welch, 1980). This concoction is mixed well and stored in a tightly sealed jar. Saudi Wheat Soup is a traditional soup consumed during the Ramadan in breaking the fast. Saudi Wheat Soup is made using cracked wheat, tomatoes, and meat enhanced with cinnamon. Saudi Wheat Soup is also used during brisk days and as natural hot food for lunch. Wheat Soup has olive oil, chopped onions, pounded beef cuts, tomatoes, cinnamon and, water. Water is first heat; to it onions, tomatoes and meat get added. Cinnamon get sprinkled and served while hot. Saudi Sambousak is the fifth Saudi Arabia traditional food. Sambousak is made of white flour, oil, bread spice, ground beef, onions, and black pepper. Flour gets mixed with bread spice, and rubbed with fingertips thoroughly until dough is binding. The dough gets divided into small pieces and deep fried in hot oil (Long, 2005).
The traditional crafts of Saudi Arabia is diverse and entail all classification of handicrafts and cuisines. The first traditional industry deals with botanical products; these include wood products, hand fans, palm products and cage crafts. Saudi Arabia has fibre products like bags, fibre containers and containers. Rush plants make table and floor mats. These crafts are used in the culinary craft of Saudi Arabia. Local and international tourists do not come to view cuisine products but also admire these botanical products and use them. The Arabian countries collaborate to form a union that will help to market individual’s country traditional crafts in the Asian and Arabic nations (Long, 2005). Moreover, these unions market the traditional crafts to the western nationalities hence enhancing international relation. Traditional food products are still present in the modern society and are getting different orientation. These foods get spiced or modern methods of preparing them. Some of these foods are hand-made confectionery, dehydrated yogurt, dates molasses, honey industry, and gum and secretions from trees.
References:
Azab, K. (2011). The Media Role In Promoting The Traditional Crafts In The Islamic world.
Lonaard Magazine, 1(1), 96-112.
Laudan, R. (2001). A Plea For Culinary Modernism: Why We Should Love New, Fast,
Processed Food. Gastronomica Journal of Food and Culture. 1(1), 36-44.
Long, D. E. (2005). Culture And Customs Of Saudi Arabia. New Jersey: Greenwood Publishing
Group.
Koc, T. (2013). The Vision Of Islamic Art And Aesthetics. Journal of Academic
Studies, 14(56), 1-16.
Topham, J. (1986). Traditional Crafts Of Saudi Arabia. Archaeology, 39, 6-190.
Weiss, A. (2012). In Advance Of A Culinary Review. Beaux Arts Magazine, 33, 60-67.
Welch, S. , Swietochowski, M. , Jenkins, M. &Keene, M. (1980). Islamic art.
Metropolitan Museum of Art, 16-19.
Yamani, M. (2004).Cradle of Islamic: The Hijaz And The Quest For An Arabian identity.
Archaeology, 39, 135-147.