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Poverty encompasses a complex set of problems
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Introduction
Poverty encompasses a complex set of problems. Myriads of people think they have an inherent understanding of what poverty is. Is poverty absolute or is it relative? What is the decent standard of living? Solving one question compounds the issue a tad further. The relativity or lack thereof of poverty is a quagmire social scientists struggle to answer. In Europe, poverty is the state of those whose income falls beneath 60% of the median (Zedlewski, Waxman and Gundersen). The United Nations gets lost in the definition conundrum as it ranges across various factors including schooling and life expectancy. The U.S calculates a poverty threshold to represent the basic cost of food per household multiplied by three. A family classifies the poor if its pre-tax income falls below the poverty threshold (Tiehen, Jollife and Gundersen). The U.S. Census Bureau updates the threshold annually to cover for inflation using the Consumer Price Index. It also adjusts for family size, composition, and age of householder. The increasing levels of poverty coupled with the gap, between the rich and the poor has compelled the government to initiate programs aimed at quelling the prevalence of the disparity. Therefore, the government has initiated a wide array of policies and programs tailored to certain aspects of the problem. The policies reflect the best practices in public management, specific goals, assessments of the strategies accentuated with ability to learn and improve. Key among these policies is SNAP. SNAP is an acronym standing for Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program. Formerly, its name was the Food Stamp Program. It aims to create a safety net in the United States. Amazingly, it provided $72 billion dollar (Zedlewski, Waxman and Gundersen). Its measure of importance is the level of poverty alleviation. The anti-poverty effect of safety net programs often focus on the rate of poverty. The question is whether the program benefits accrued to a family lifts them out of the poverty threshold. The efficacy of the program intertwines with national and federal politics. Additionally, other factors include but not limited to administrative; structural; social and ethical issue affect the success of the program. The reasons attributed for the success of the program range from the circumstantial, to the probable, to the logistical. Critics applaud the success but argue that the implementers should not sleep on their laurels. The chief goal of this paper is to discuss the SNAP program, dissecting its various merits, shortcomings, and possible areas for improvement.
Political issues
SNAP is a government policy. Therefore, it is subject to the heinous games and machinations that play out in the arena that is national politics. It passes subject to verification by the cabinet and the congress. Party ideologies and differences in priorities come to the fore during legislative budgetary discussion. Activists have mobilized the country continuously to unite the people in pressurizing the congress to make bills that are friendly to the SNAP program. The lack of political goodwill came to the fore when members of the House Budget committee voted for a budget intended to cut the financing to SNAP. Despite its unprecedented success, the program faces opposition from some political voices (Tiehen, Jollife and Gundersen)
. The number of people benefitting from SNAP’s initiatives has jumped from a paltry 17.2 million individuals in 2000, to 44.7 million individuals as of 2011. Therefore, politicians from both government and opposition should set aside their differences and create policies that facilitate the program. The role of states in the matter is momentous. Making efficient decisions in maximizing the federal nutrition safety net is especially useful for state and local officials due to the spillover effects of the recession. The federal governments have been actively feeding hungry people by facilitating the SNAP program. Through efficient use of the SNAP program, the program;
Provides nutritious food to many hungry people especially children.
Brings extra funding to the states and communities.
Boost local business and area employment.
Helps restart economic growth.
Administrative
The program has a high budget. It involves logistical handicaps in its implementation. The program borrows heavily from the Food Stamp Act of 1977 (Parker). Its enacting geared towards increasing the food purchasing power of the household. It uses the distributions of coupons to purchase food. Further, the Food and Nutrition service of the U.S. Department of Agriculture issues SNAP through state and local welfare offices. SNAP is the sole support program offering benefits to low income earning household regardless of the characteristics – sex, age, disability – Eligibility is determined by calculating the assets and incomes. Eligible families’ benefits derivations are by deducing 30% of net income from the maximum benefit amount (Parker). The maximum benefit is determined by calculating the cost of a thrifty food plan.
Data collection is a critical component of efficiency of the program. The information partially collected is from the program receipts by the states. Further, states collect the data for easy monitoring and effective administration of the program. The information includes; date of receipt, SNAP amount received by month, case number, client number, address, and social security number. The Census Bureau handles the data collected. For example, the census bureau receives data Maryland data from the Family Investment Administration.
The federal government bears the full cost of SNAP benefits accrued by the citizenry. However, the cost divides with the states, which operate the program. Contrary to most, benefit programs, which are restricted to particular low-income individuals. The SNAP eligibility rules and benefits protocols and procedures are set at the federal level and are homogenous across the nation. The states have a free hand to tweak the aspects of the program to suit their various unique situations. For example, the value of the car, that a family own is negligible in allocating SNAP. To qualify for SNAP benefits, a household must meet three criteria;
Its gross monthly income must be below 130% of the poverty line. Alternatively, the family can rake in $25700 a year for a three –person family. Households, which have an elderly or disabled member, need not meet this caveat.
The net monthly income – income after deductions attributed to housing costs and child care- must be less than or equal to the poverty line. That adds up to about $19800 yearly for a three-person family in a given fiscal year.
The assets of the family in question must fall below certain limits. For 2015,, the limits are $2250 for households without an elderly or disabled member and $3250 for those with a disabled member.
Structural characteristics
The application process follows stringent federal guidelines. Many a times, households personally apply at the welfare office. It is not compulsory. They may choose to fax or mail their applications. Most states have competent online applications. The applicants then partake in an eligibility interview. The interview is normally in-person but can be on the phone. Additionally, they must document the distinct aspects of their eligibility including, identity, residency, immigration status, household composition, income and resources and deductible expenses. Families deemed to be eligible receive an EBT (electronic benefit transfer) card loaded with benefits once a month. The families may use the card to purchase food at one of the 252900 retailers authorized to partake in the program (Tiehen, Jollife and Gundersen). Majority of the benefits are redeemable at the supermarkets and superstores. SNAP is not usable in the purchase of alcoholic beverages, cigarettes, vitamin supplements, non-food grocery, or hot foods. Households must contact the welfare to report any unprecedented increase in income. In addition, they must reapply the SNAP periodically: precisely, every 6 to 12 months for most families and every 12 to 24 months for seniors and persons with disabilities.
The average SNAP recipient receives about $120 a month. The SNAP benefit formula targets benefits according to need. Very poor household receive larger benefits than households closer to the poverty line do since they need more help affording an affordable diet. The assumption by the benefit formula is that families will spend 30% of their net income for food. SNAP compensates for the difference between the 30% contribution and the cost of the Thrifty Food Plan (Center on Budget and Policy Priorities). It delivers a low-cost but nutritionally adequate diet established by the U.S Agriculture Department. A family with zilch income receives the maximum benefit amount. A family of three earning $600 in net monthly income receives the maximum benefit ($511) minus 30 percent of its net income (30 percent of $600 is $180) or $331 (center on budget and policy priorities). Reliable research has shown that changing SNAP benefit amount affects the share of SNAP participants who are “food insecure”: they had difficulty affording adequate food at some point in the year.
Snap Benefits by Household Size
Household size Maximum Monthly Benefit FY 2015 Average monthly benefit FY 2015
1 $194 $144
2 $357 $257
3 $511 $378
4 $649 $464
5 $771 $546
*FY 2015, average benefits were estimated using the FY 2013 USDA household characteristics data excluding temporary boost from the 2009 Recovery Act and inflating using changes in Thrifty Food Plan from FY 2015.
Social and Ethical issues
SNAP has an Administrative Disqualification Hearing. The hearing happens to decide if a member of the SNAP household violated SNAP rules. The policy follows the guidance of a discrepancy called an “intentional program violation”. The local department of social services requests the state to conduct a hearing when there is evidence of a violation occurring. Its characteristics include:
Making a false or misleading statement to the local agency
Hiding of information in order to get SNAP benefits.
Using SNAP benefits to buy non -food items such as alcohol, tobacco among others.
Using SNAP benefits for a non-deserving household.
Selling SNAP benefits
The Intentional Program Violation attracts stringent penalties. If the hearing officer learns that the household member is culpable, he/she disqualification procedures follow through. Certain people are not eligible to receive SNAP benefits despite their deplorable conditions. Striking workers are ineligible. Joining them on the list on the list of ineligibility is students and illegal immigrants. Undocumented immigrants are also ineligible for SNAP. Unemployed childless adults are limited to three months of benefits in most areas of the country. The disclaimer is unless they are working at least 20 hours per week or participating in constructive qualifying workfare or job training programs (Center on Budget and Policy Priorities)
. During times of high unemployment rates, states seek exceptions from this requirement. The exception only applies after states provide detailed Labor Department unemployment data for the state or areas within the state where sustained levels of unemployment exhibition occurs.
Success or failure of SNAP
SNAP, as a project has been successful in various regards. It has been an overwhelming success. Outlined below are some of the successes;
Protecting families from hardships
Snap benefits are entitled upon the beneficiaries. Anyone who qualified under program rules can receive benefits. Therefore, SNAP is a quick solution in effectively supporting low-income families and communities during the times of increasing need. Enrolling of beneficiaries reaches a crescendo when there is a weakening economy and contracts when the economy recovers. In this regard, SNAP aids families to bridge the times of economic uncertainties. The program cushions the households against the loss of employment.
Protects the overall economy
SNAP benefits are one of the most effective modes of economic stimulus. Since they get, money into the economy fast, they act as a quick boost to the economy. Low- income individuals spend their incoming meeting the daily requirements such as shelter, food, and transportation. Every dollar credited to the household ends up as consumption on food or other items. Moody’s analytics estimate that in a weak economy every $1 dollar injected produces a commensurate $1.7 in economic activity. Research postulates that SNAP has one of the largest increase in economic activities and employment per budgetary dollar Vis a Vis a wide range of economic activities for stimulating economic growth and creating jobs in a weak economy.
3) Lessening the extent and severity of poverty and unemployment
SNAP focuses heavily on the poor. 92% of SNAP benefits accrued go to the households whose income is below the poverty line (Center on Budget and Policy Priorities). 57% go to households below half of the poverty line. Families with the greatest need receive the greatest benefits (. Thus, SNAP emerges as a very efficient tool for emancipating the larger population from the jaws of poverty. In fact, counting SNAP as income reveals that the program succeeds in keeping millions of the population out of poverty. Children who represent the future of this nation received lifts out of poverty by this program. SNAP comes in handy in reducing the number of extreme poverty. The prolonged recession, has made SNAP of great value to low-income unemployed workers. In fact, SNAP is one of the few resources available for individuals without employment benefits. The number of unemployed persons has fallen due to the efficiency of SNAP. However, the number of jobless workers has risen to levels higher than at the depth of the recession.
4) Supporting encouraging work
SNAP acts as a safety net for people who are elderly, disabled, or temporarily unemployed. SNAP works efficiently in supplementing the wages of the low-income workers. The number of people who have made earnings through SNAP has increased exponentially. The reason been the economic boost SNAP has on the economy.
5) Supporting healthy eating
SNAP facilitates low-income households to afford more healthy foods. Since SNAP, benefits are only spendable on food; they boost the families’ expenditure on food. The assistance is more than an equivalent amount of cash assistance would. Fruits, vegetables, grain products and dairy products dominate the food that SNAP households can buy. Further, all states operate SNAP nutrition programs to aid the participants make wiser cuisine decisions.
Conclusion
Economics is a grueling reality that the entire economy has to deal with. There exists within the economy periods of peak and periods of recession. The present system of economics has conspired to create a huge difference between the rich and poor (Tiehen, Jollife and Gundersen). The global financial meltdown has not aided the situation. It has left in its wake households reeling in economic disparities. SNAP represents the core function of government, redistributing wealth and reducing the gap between the rich and the poor. Otherwise, those households with little to no income would endure to poor economic states resulting in a below-par livelihood. The remaining objective is for the government to embrace the concept of SNAP further. It requires strengthening through legislation and adequate budgetary allocations. The government should streamline it to address the increasing problem of economic disenfranchisement. The federal government should assume a more participatory role in the program. They can set their own minute versions of the program. If need be, the government can incorporate the private sector to increase efficiency and professionalism to the matter. However, they should only receive a minute role since they might turn the program into a capitalistic juggernaut. Overall, SPAN is an idea whose time is now. It fits into the present economic matrix making it an invaluable tool to the government and entire country.
References
Center on Budget and Policy Priorities, ‘POLICY BASICS: International to SNAP’. Nap. 2015. Web. 11 Apr. 2015.
Parker, Julie. ‘“SNAP Misreporting On The CPS: Does It Affect Poverty Estimates?”’. Social, Economic, and Housing Statistics Division. N.P., 2011. Web. 11 Apr. 2015.
Tiehen, Laura, Dean Jollife, and Craig Gundersen. ‘Alleviating Poverty in the United States: The Critical Role of SNAP Benefits’. USDA 132 (2012): n. page. Print.
Zedlewski, Sheila, Elaine Waxman, and Craig Gundersen. ‘SNAP’s Role’. Urban Institute (2012): n. page. Print.
Poverty as Capability Deprivation
Poverty as Capability Deprivation
Introduction
Poverty is a state where an individual completely lacks the basics for material healthy being. A poor individual runs short of essentials such as housing or shelter, land, food and any assets written in his or her name. Poverty represents the lack of numerous resources that might lead a state of physical deprivation. Individuals who regard themselves as poor in the society define poverty as lack of food and shelter because they believe other things are forms of luxury. Extreme poverty leads to suffering in the society because individuals develop a feeling of oppression and anxiety. Poor people are aware of their low status since they lack independence, power, and voice in the society. These facts make those people living in poverty to hate the wealthy people who stand accused for exploiting them. For instance, they poor do all the manual and odd jobs that pay wages in small ratios incomparable to the work they have done. In the society, it is obvious that the weak are always vulnerable to inhuman acts such as mistreatment, humiliation, and spite when seeking help in governmental institutions.
Researchers scrutinize poverty as the deprivation of essential capabilities established as routine freedoms to others. According to research, there are three bases to describe poverty as capability deprivation rather than insufficient income. This implies that the force of income capabilities is dependent and restricted to capability deprivation. Poverty highlights inherent rather than helpful deprivation and lack of income are not the only reasons for deprivation. These reasons completely sustain the beginning of unusual plans to fight poverty rather than just elevate incomes. The overall influence has been enhanced by the application of other researchers like Nussbaum’s ten exact capabilities and Lawana Mart’s representation of Maggie in “Swamp Nurse”.
India is a viable option to illustrate poverty because the nation has raised concerns to researchers seeking to address capability deprivation. Capability deprivation is the ability of an individual to lack basic needs. Some researchers attribute the earlier speed of decreases in income poverty to India’s growth of fundamental education, impartial land allocation, and healthcare. These strategies centrally focus on developing the capabilities of individuals rather than increasing income, but they may build essential skills and capabilities that are more valuable economically and therefore, worthy of higher income. The expansion of human capabilities arguably accompanies the productivity, growth, and power earning. Nussbaum identifies ten capabilities as central requirements of a life with dignity. Imagination and thought, life, practical reason, bodily integrity, senses, emotions, bodily health, affiliation, other species, play, and power to over natural resources are the ten capabilities identified by Nussbaum as central desires of a being with distinction (Nussbaum 35). When people are underprivileged of any capabilities, then they are the fatalities of injustice; this is the way capabilities consider the portrayal of social justice. Nussbaum believes that such a record of entitlement is necessary in defeating poverty, as well as, in describing two matters that highlight capacity development above the rising income. The two issues entail the care given to physically or mentally dependent people by others and the initiative of persons to be equals as assured by social agreement tradition. These are equally compelling arguments because they direct attention to the needs of individuals as required to be fulfilled by others or society.
The ten capabilities are useful to all individuals but some of the capabilities remain out of one’s control, while others are essentially determine their quality of life. The most important and least controlled capabilities by individuals are bodily health, environmental sustenance and the integrity of the body. Dependent persons have no control over their lives, especially those that are mentally incapacitated. This brings up the issue of how income becomes relevant. When one has no control over his financial use for his or her well-being, then good income is of no importance to this particular individual. Income is very important for the remaining capabilities because affiliation, practical reason, play, imagination, thought, emotions, and sense do not depend on financial capability.
The society is good for care giving and care receiving. This is apparent according to Nussbaum who perceives the initiative that society has a bigger role than giving sufficient income to persons in need. This claim may rely on the formation of society as a compound body in which many connections continuously take place. According to Sen’s suggestions, the society should uphold human rights like health, education, shelter, and employment; these are the fundamental rights that should not depend on financial capability (Sen 235). The support for human rights will help individuals to live more fulfilling lives that do not necessarily depend on any amount of income. Nussbaum proposed that primary goods for individual’s needs should not be viewed as possessions but as capabilities motivated by previous circumstances in their lives.
The story of Luwana portrays the quick necessity for capability development instead of escalating income as highlighted from the book “Swamp Nurse”. This displays the wish for plans that can teach individuals and give them the capabilities they require to live improved lives. People living in poverty have priorities that are distant from those living in other socioeconomic status. Poor people centre on day-to-day livelihood since they lack the lavishness of superior financial income. Such people they tend to centre on the current and rarely employ in progressive activities. In addition, they rarely remember to take advantage of community possessions available to them such as those services in “Swamp Nurse.” It is also significant that finances supposed to be used to expand sufficient organizations and community resources can better the lives of those in poverty. For instance, children in good schools have improved performance because these schools have proper equipment, better educational resources and higher skilled teachers; this does not directly imply that their families have higher income.
Maggie in the “Swamp Nurse” had a dark past, but despite all these, her entire life, together with her family, changed due to her positive interest in life. The nurse-visiting program opened her eyes to child development which she was ignorant about as a teenage mother. The circumstances in which Maggie has lived gave her few role models to assess her situation; on the other hand, Luwana had loving parents and caring teachers to help her improve her life. Maggie had nothing but with the help of Luwana, she was clever to reconsider her situation and resolute to take her daughter back to school, resume her marriage plans and take her daughter for Hepatitis test (Boo 196). The nurse-visiting program was a victorious undertaking because it helped Maggie with the required insight to examine her position and make amends to a brighter future. The success that occurred in the case of Maggie is the brilliant instance of how the capabilities drawn near, are constructive over income allocation. In this situation, Maggie benefits from food stamps and other welfare services since she was poor and a teenage mother, but her life turned around when she got Luwana’s support through the nurse-visiting program.
The story of Maggie clearly portrays capability deprivation, while the part played by Luwana satisfied the deprivation of intrinsic significance. Maggie’s conditions also signify the argument by Nussbaum, concerning the position of dependence on capability deprivation, because Maggie was a minor and her role as a mother was severely limited. Her role as a mother was severely affected by her age and limited educational background. According to Sen, high income raise opportunities and capability, but capabilities also allow income to increase. In case persons have the opportunity to increase their capability through healthcare and education, then they have a higher chance of getting better value of life and to boost their income.
Conclusion
Poverty is a term well known by many individuals in the society; it is a condition caused by various interrelated factors. Some of these factors include lack of knowledge, poor decision-making, lack of support from the government, inequality, policies that destroy poor people successful developments, and global decisions influenced by the rich to their favour. It is obvious, from the information, that the causes of poverty are within the society and can be changed or improved by society. This situation can be improved through personal and social responsibility; where people make decisions which benefit other people in the society and the environment. Lastly, in reduction of poverty, an individual can choose to donate to viable projects initiated by the poor in the society. Individuals can also contribute in the reduction of poverty by identifying the worst hit areas, creating projects that are viable, and following up on existing projects laid down to eradicate poverty.
Work Cited
Boo, Katherine. “Swamp Nurse.” The New Yorker. 06 Feb 2006. Print.
Nussbaum, Martha. “Capabilities as Fundamental Entitlements: Sen and Social Justice.” Feminist Economics, 9(2-3), 2003, 33-59. Print.
Sen, Amartya. “Poverty as Capability Deprivation.” Development as Freedom. Random House
Digital, Inc. 2011. Web. 5 May 2012.
The Failure of the Merger and Acquisition of AT & T and TCI
The Failure of the Merger and Acquisition of AT & T and TCI
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December 14th, 2013.
THE FAILURE OF THE MERGER & ACQUISITION OF AT &T AND TCI
Introduction
AT &T is a telecommunications firm, and in particular AT &T is the largest international and domestic long distance telephone carrier in the U.S. The companies offers telephony services to government, business and residential services and it operates in well over 250 territories and countries across the globe. In 1997, just the merger with TCI, its revenue from communications segment were summing up to $51.3 whereby $22.2 were generated from long distance business services and $23.9 were obtained from residential customers (Banerjee and Eckard, 2008).
Banerjee and Eckard (2008), states that AT & T offers domestic exchange services to a comparatively small portion of consumers. The company specifically provides resold domestic exchange services to not more than one and a half percent of the sum residential customers. The firm also provides telephony services to business clients. The company acquired Teleport so as to expand its market presence for domestic exchange access provisions at a juncture when Teleport was the largest competitive domestic carrier in the nation and had strategized for the domestic telephone network development in approximately 83 metropolitan regions in 28 states across the United States. From this acquisition deal, Teleport received $494.3 in terms of revenues in 1997.
TCI in principle is a cable firm and in particular TCI is a diversified company that has diverse interest through its other ventures or subsidiaries; TCI Communications, TCI Venture Group and Liberty Media Group. TCI is the biggest cable TV service providers within the US. TCI through its other ventures it provides a broad array of video programming, comprising local, regional and national cable programming services, pay per view channels, local broadcast stations and sports programming packages to business and homes nationwide. TCI runs several subsidiaries, which in total offer cable television service to nearly 13 million customers, crossing about 21 million homes.
On 14th September, 1998, AT & T (AT &T Corporation) and TCI (Tele-Communications Inc submitted a joint application as stipulated within Section 310 (d) of the 47 U.S.C Section 310 (d) of the Communications Act, asking the commission to approve their request for the control transfer of the licenses of AT & T and authorizations controlled by Tele-Communications Inc or its subsidiaries or affiliates. The transfer for control was to be effected due to the planned merger of the two companies. After the planned merger, Tele-Communications Inc would wholly become a subsidiary of AT & T Corporation, and the authorizations and licenses that were then held by the subsidiaries or affiliates of TCI were to proceed being held by those entities (Mitchell and Mulherin, 1996).
Accounting Methods
Traditionally in the United States, two distinct accounting methods for business merger were allowed: pooling of interests and purchase. Although a number of mergers were established through purchase method, in instances whereby the stock of one firm would be exchanged for majority of the stock (90%) or for all the assets, companies in some instances went further to fulfill an elaborate pooling procedures outlined the U.S regulations. Presently, in the U.S all mergers have to be accounted for through the purchase method (Mitchell and Mulherin, 1996). Consequently, for the case of the merger of AT & T and TCI, FASB required the following disclosures regarding goodwill.
The sum amount of goodwill acquired and the sum amount projected to be deductible for the purposes of tax,
The reporting segment goodwill amount
If impairment occurs, the SFAS schedule 142. Outlines the goodwill presentation on the income statement and balance sheet as follows:
The goodwill aggregate amount is supposed to be a distinct line item within the balance sheet.
The loss aggregate amount resulting from goodwill impairment is supposed to be reflected as a distinct line item in the income statement’s operating section unless certain impairment is linked to discontinued operations.
Acquired intangible asset apart from goodwill is supposed to be amortized through its useful economic life, for assets with limited economic life. But if the acquired intangible asset a part from goodwill is established to posses indefinite life, it is not supposed to be amortized, until a finite life has been determined on it, or better still should be evaluated at least annually for impairment.
Within the purchase accounting standards, each of the three classes of acquisition-associated expenses is differently treated; security issuance expenses, indirect expenses and direct expenses. The purchase cost comprises the direct expenses sustained in the business merger, for example consulting and accounting fees. The indirect expenses comprise the ongoing costs for example those sustained to maintain acquisition and merger department, nonetheless, are charged to costs as incurred. Indirect expenses also comprise secretarial or managerial time ad overhead assigned to the merger, however could have not existed if the merger was not there. Lastly, security issuance expenses are allocated to the security valuation in the purchase acquisition, hence minimizing extra capital for stock issues or adjusting the discount or premium over the bond issues.
Assets obtained through issuing stock shares of the acquiring firm should be recorded at the fair values of the given stock or the received assets; depending on the one this is clearly more evident. In case the stock is aggressively traded, its market price quoted, after factoring market fluctuation allowance, issue costs and additional quantities issued is usually appropriate fair value evidence as opposed to the appraisal values of acquired firm’s net assets. Therefore, an adjusted share market price is usually used. In case the issued stock is a closely held or new company, the assets received fair values has to be used. It is important to note that any security issuance expenses, whether stocks or bonds sustained during the merger consummation are deducted from the value allocated to the equity or debt within the purchase accounting.
Upon establishing the total cost, it has to be assigned to the acquired identifiable assets (comprising intangibles except for goodwill) and assumed liabilities, all of which has to be presented as their fair values at the acquisition date (Banerjee and Eckard, 2008).
AT & T on March 9, 1999 finalized the acquisition of TCI (Tele-Communications Inc by way of merger. Based on the above accounting methods and standards AT & T during the merger issued,
0.775 common shares of AT & T for every TCI Group share tracking stock of Series A
O.853 common shares of AT & T for every TCI Group share tracking stock of series B
A share for newly established Liberty Media Group
In lie cash payment for any fractional common share of AT & T
During the merger, AT & T also exchanged AT & T common shares for TCI convertible preferred stock shares. AT & T in total issued an estimated 439 million common shares.
Consolidation of Financial Information
The unaudited consolidated pro forma financial information outlined below set forth below gave effect the merger between AT & T and TCI, specific merger-associated transfer of assets and the amendments of the charter concerning the combination of TCI ventures (the New Liberty Media Group) and the Liberty Media Group, as to when they were accomplished for income statement purposes on January 1, 1998 and for the purposes of balance sheet on 31st December, 1998.
Since AT & T was not acquiring a controlling financial interest within the New Liberty Media Group, it has been presented as an equity investment method within the financial pro forma statements. Moreover, being a tracking stock all its losses and earnings were omitted from the available earnings to the AT &T common stock holders. Their selected unaudited pro forma financial information presents particular assumptions such as the following;
$9.5 billion of associated interest expenses and additional borrowings to cater for the merger-associated share repurchase and asset transfer program in a mix of 80% long term and 20% short term.
Purchase price preliminary allocation to TCI liabilities and assets. The allocation was pegged on the completion of research carried out by AT &T.
The selected unaudited pro forma consolidated financial information had to be read in concurrence with the historical separate financial statements as well as with AT &T’s accompanying accounting notes.
The financial pro forma information was developed based on the purchase accounting method whereby the AT &T being the acquiror. For functions of developing the consolidated financial statement for AT &T, AT &T were to structure a basis for TCI’s liabilities and assets based on the fair values and the purchase price of AT &T comprising the Merger costs. AT &T did the research to establish the fair value of particular liabilities and assets for TCI, and the final appropriate purchase price adjustments were established after the study.
AT & T and TCI’s hefty $48 billion deal price tag comprises $32 billion in terms of stock and a whopping $16 billion in respect to the assumed debt. The transaction calls AT & T to issue 0.775 common stock shares for every TCI Group share. The deal would see the newly combined company trading as the tracking or letter stock on the NYSE and have a considerable public ownership (Manne, 2005).
Reasons and Motivations for Merger and Acquisition (M&A)
M & A occur for a number of strategic business purposes; however the very common reasons for companies’ merger tend to be economic at their heart. Below are some of the reasons and motivations for the AT & T and TCI merger.
To improve capability: Improved capabilities can originate from robust R&D opportunities or more expanded productions operations (or any area of core competencies that a firm intends to improve. On the same note, the firm may have wanted to merge to leverage expensive networking operations. Capability at times may not just be a specific department; the capability could originate from obtaining a unique platform of technology as opposed to trying to establish it. Information and Telecommunication firms are hotbed for Merger and Acquisition activities as a result of the extreme capital investment required for successful research and development within the market. With this merger there are a number of new technologies, which can smooth the digital connections and of fundamental significance is the technology for offering telephone service via cable platform would be sufficiently developed to provide an economically viable and potentially a better alternative to the current copper wire (Manne, 2005).
Acquiring a larger market share or competitive edge, The other important reason for the merger between AT & T and TCI was to acquire a better marketing and distribution network. The new AT & T would now be strategically positioned to be the first statewide communications firm, since it broke-up from the aged Bell business, which solved the problem of last mile. Due to the last mile holdup, virtually there has been no competition within the residential local phone provisions, innovation is nearly nonexistent and Internet connections have been devastatingly slow. AT & T intends to use TCI’s cable system and the set-up gadgets would be upgraded to carry a two-way flow, and AT & T will rely on the TCI’s coaxial cable connections to transmit long-distance and local internet traffic, voice calls as well the usable network fare. This merger was to help AT & T to expand to new and different markets where TCI (which is a similar firm) had been operating already as opposed to beginning from ground zero. This marketing and distribution network offers the company a broader customer base virtually overnight. TCI has approximately 13 million customers across the country, comprising markets such as St. Louis, Seattle, Salt Lake City, San Francisco, Pennsylvania, Pittsburgh, Portland, Dallas, Denver and Chicago (Andrade, Mitchell and Stafford, 2011). More significantly, TCI could have given AT & T what is commonly referred to as the last mile connectivity, offering domestic telephony services and cable TV to customers. Moreover, TCI controls a huge portion of @Home package that offers high-speed internet access using the cable networks. It has nearly 100,000 subscribers, a relatively lesser portion when you look at the potential market, however @Home with business arrangements with other companies offering cable, it offers distribution to nearly 50% of all households in North America passed by cable.
Diversifying Services and products: Parker and Roller (2007) point out that another motivation for merger between companies would be to complement an existing service or product. Two companies can merge their services or products to acquire competitive edge their competitors within the marketplace. Even though the merger collapsed it attempted to accomplish the digital convergence concept, the idea that computers, television and telecommunications would come as one digitized process of electronic communication. By utilizing the cable system to offer high-speed home connections, which are about thirty times faster than what was provided by GTE and Baby Bells, AT &T anticipated to produce gigantic pipeline that would handle all forms of traffic at a considerably low cost. They hoped to provide a universal pipe within homes, which could hold all flavors of what would later become digital, comprising data, voice and video. Even though distribution networks or combining services and products is a strategic approach to improve revenue, this kind of acquisition or merger is thoroughly inspected by the federal regulatory organs for example the FTC (Federal Trade Commission to ensure that there are no chances of monopoly. Monopoly occurs when a firm controls a huge share of a service or product within single industry. AT &T consumer operations according to analysts projected that it could generate $33 billion in revenue and approximately $ 7 billion earnings and the merger is anticipated to lower and higher revenue, generating synergies of approximately $2 annually, three years following the completion of the deal.
Cutting Costs: Andrade, Mitchell, and Stafford (2011) argues that two firms offering similar services and products such as AT &T and TCI, when they merge they establish a massive opportunity for cost reduction. If they merger would have been successful the new AT &T would have had an opportunity to reduce operating expenses and combine locations by streamlining and integrating support functions. This is an economic strategy that operates within the auspices of economies of scale, such that when the sum cost of production of products or services is lowered as the volume of production increases, the firm hence maximizes total revenue. The merger as was projected could have provided AT &T with a one-stop shop to offer Internet Access, cable TV and telephone. The idea was supposed to a telecommunication deregulation byproduct two years prior.
The Failure of AT & T and TCI Merger
The stock for Cable was on the rise, from hovering at about $16 by the close of 1996, the shares of TCI were heating $40 by 1998 summer (Parker and Roller, 2007). In spite of the recovery John Malone (the COE of TCI) wanted to get off the distribution business and return to his original area of programming. The issue as to whether the infrastructure of TCI could be relied upon to provide the convergence concept lingered and it was never apparent over what duration the opportunity window that the stock surge opened would last. Malone got the reason to quickly move to try once again to sell TCI. Malone did not succeed with Bell Atlantic; however AT & T then provided a fresh hope.
According to Parker and Roller (2007) the interest of the Chairman of AT & T (Michael Armstrong) in TCI merger was drawn by the convergence concept or vision. Armstrong saw the coaxial cable last mile to the home as the domestic loop the company required to provide integrated long distance and local telephone service, alongside internet access and video. The company would utilize the promising; however the untested VoIp, in lieu of the switched traditional local phone service to counter competition from RBOCs, which themselves were rapidly gearing or an assault on their long distance business operations. Therefore, Armstrong and Malone quickly came to terms, and on 24th June, 1998, one of the state’s giant cable corporation announced its planned merger with the nation’s notable telephone giant. AT & T Corporation was acquiring Tele-Communications Inc for a whopping $48 billion in assumed debt, cash and stock, paying a premium of $50 per share and $55 per share for the super voting series B stock held by the Magness heirs and Malone. The acquisition left John Malone with 1.5% of the total stock of AT $ T, rendering him a single largest shareholder in the company. The deal also left him with being in control of the programming segment of the company while enabling him to abandon the distribution operations of the business, which was his original mission in the botched Bell Atlantic merger. In order to assist prevent the recurrence of the collapse of Bell Atlantic, the deal comprised of a clause that stated that AT &T would pay TCI $2 billion in case the merger deal was never consummated.
According to Andrade, Mitchell and Stafford (2011) the acquisition of TCI never completed AT &T cable play, nevertheless. On March, the following year, just as the deal was about to be sealed, Comcast stated a bid to acquire MediaOne to a tune of $58 billion. Just in a matter of weeks, the deal was accepted. MediaOne for a longtime had looked to expand its market reach and because it failed to find huge cable corporation interested in selling, it instead opted to be to seller as opposed to be the buyer.
In the 1990s, Comcast had been very acquisitive, and with the acquisition of MediaOne, it was poised to become the largest cable provider in the country and this was a scenario Armstrong did not anticipate and they had ruled out such a possibility, hence they decided to go for a counter deal. Malone concealed against the offer because he was afraid of huge debt load, which combined MedioOne and TCI purchase would reflect on the balance sheets. There was aggressive lobbied by MediaOne investors for the entry of AT &T with the hope that such a bidding war would increase their share prices. With the support of other AT & T executives, Armstrong decided that could not afford to be second place in cable industry in the country and bid a $62.5 billion deal for MedioOne, and this forced Comcast to abandon the deal, however received a breakup fee of $1.5 billion (Parker and Roller, 2007).
It is also clear that AT & T did have regulatory pit holes, including federal and local challenges regarding the opening of its network to competitive ISPs. AT & T also required shedding certain systems in order to comply with the ownership caps of FCC.
Judge Panner, in the legal suit AT&T Corporation v. City of Portland stated that the merger would considerably enhance the ability of AT &sT to restrict or and even cut off consumer from accessing internet-based competition on the cable’s main multichannel-market video delivery.
References
Andrade, G., Mitchell, M., and Stafford, E. (2011): “New Evidence and Perspectives on
Mergers,” Journal of Economic Perspectives, 15(2), 103-120.
Banerjee, A. and Eckard, E. (2008): “Are Mega-Mergers Anticompetitive? Evidence from the
First Great Merger Wave,” RAND Journal of Economics, 29.
Parker, P.M. and Roller, L-H (2007): “Collusive Conduct in Duopolies: Multimarket Contact
and Cross-ownership in the Mobile Telephone Industry,” Journal of Economics,
28, 304.
Manne, H. (2005): “Mergers and the Market for Corporate Control,” Journal of Political
Economy, 73, 110.
Mitchell, M. and Mulherin, H. (1996): “The Impact of Industry Shocks on Takeover and
Restructuring Activity,” Journal of Finance, 41(2), 193-229.
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