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Comprehensive Sex Education in Public Schools
Comprehensive Sex Education in Public Schools:
A Matter of Public Health
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Abstract
The present research focuses mainly on the existence of comprehensive sex education in public schools—or the lack thereof—and its impact on sexual behaviors and practices among youth, and consequently, on the overall sexual health of teenagers and young adults. It surveys common practices in Europe and compares them to those of the United States with the objective of confirming the author’s theory that comprehensive sexual education leads to less pregnancies and sexually transmitted infections among teenagers. Additionally, it questions the ethicality of the current disinformation campaign that is upheld in American public schools through the abstinence-only-until-marriage program which manipulates information and spreads falsehoods about the efficacy of contraceptive and barrier methods with the objective of discouraging teenagers from engaging in sexual activity.
Comprehensive Sex Education in Public Schools:
A Matter of Public Health
Throughout the twentieth century, America underwent a multitude of societal changes. Among those, the sexual revolution, rooted in the commercialization of birth control, has transformed the life of American men and women. In modern day’s society, young people stay in school longer and marry later. For a majority of Americans, the first sexual intercourse happens during adolescence and before marriage. With sexually transmitted infections and teen pregnancy rates skyrocketing in the last part of the twentieth century, sex education became a social concern. Since then, numerous groups have raised apprehensions about teenagers receiving information on sexuality and contraception arguing that it is promoting sexual activity and encouraging youngsters to engage in promiscuous behaviors. However, because sexually transmitted infections lead to serious health problems including infertility and death, and teen pregnancies cost taxpayers substantial amounts of money, law makers should consider sex education as a matter of public health rather than as a moral issue, and make it a mandatory component of the state’s public education curriculum.
Teen Pregnancy rates
In the United States, teen birth rates have consistently gone down since their peak of the early 1990s. According to the Office of Adolescent Health division of the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) in 2013, birth rates reached a historical low of 26.5 for every 1000 teenage female ages 15-19. More than half the 59.9 rate of 1990, the 2013 data demonstrates great improvement in one of the country’s greatest scourge of the twentieth century (HHS, 2015). However encouraging the data may be when compared to past performances, when put side by side with other developed countries’ teen birth rates, the United States appears to be lagging behind. The “adolescent fertility rate” of the United States is closer to that of Eastern European and Middle Eastern countries than that of other high income nations (The World Bank, 2015). The teenage birth rates of Canada, France, Australia, Germany and Sweden for the year 2013 are respectively 14, 6, 11, 3, and 6 (The World Bank, 2015). Comparatively, the teenage birth rates of the Russian Federation, Romania, Pakistan, Turkey, and Iran for the same year are 26, 31, 27, 29, and 31 respectively (The World Bank, 2015).
Teen Pregnancy Rates Among European Nations Relative to their Sexual Education and Sexual Health Policies
A study conducted by the Guttmacher Institute that observed sexual behaviors among teenagers in Great Britain, Canada, France, and Sweden, which all offer comprehensive sex education programs, revealed that the two best performing countries—Sweden and France—offer broad social programs that comprise low-cost medical care and contraception (Friedman, 2005, p. 769; Issues & Controversies, 2007). Moreover, most European countries do not solely offer—but widely promote—the use of contraception among teenagers. The Guttmacher Institute claims that those nations exhibit “societal acceptance of sexual activity among young people” and that “sexuality is seen as normal and positive, but there is widespread expectation that sexual intercourse will take place within committed relationships” that are described as “mutually monogamous” (as cited in Friedman, 2005, p. 769).
In a variety of studies complimentary to that of the Guttmacher Institute, Advocates for Youth, which sponsors study tours to select European countries to better understand the reason behind their achievements in youth sexual health, found that European countries generally have more openness towards sexuality and provide their people—including teenagers—with greater and easier access to sexual health information and contraception (Friedman, 2005, p. 769). Such differences in education, health, and social policies between that of the United States and those of the countries cited as exemplar may explain the discrepancies in teenage fertility rates observed. Thus, if the United States wants to further reduce its teenage birth rate and reach a level that is comparable to that of other high income nations, perhaps it should base its sexual education and sexual health policies on those of well-performing countries.
Abstinence-Only Programs
In response to the exponential increase in teen pregnancy rates, the federal government passed in 1996 a piece of legislation upholding and funding “abstinence-only” sex education programs. As part of the Temporary Assistance for Needy Families Act, the Section 510(b) of Title V put into effect a new “federal funding stream” in the form of grants allocated to states that accepted the standard to promote abstinence-only-until-marriage and present it to students as the only way to prevent unwanted pregnancies and sexually transmitted infections (Sexuality Information and Education Council of the United States SIECU, n.d.; Friedman, 2005). States that accepted federal funding for the abstinence-only program were required to match up to 75% of the federal grants received with state funds. Then, states were responsible for the allocation of funds to sub-grantees which include organizations such as schools, faith-based organizations, county and state health departments, and others.
Between 1996 and 2010, the federal government paid over one-and-a-half billion dollars in grants to fund abstinence-only sex education programs through Title V, the Community-Based Abstinence Education grant program, and the abstinence-only-until-marriage portion of the Adolescent Family Life Act. In 2010, the Obama administration eliminated the Community-Based Abstinence Education grant program and the abstinence-only-until-marriage portion of the Adolescent Family Life Act. The Title V abstinence-only-until-marriage program, which expired in 2009, was revived through a health-care reform package in 2010; it was allocated 50 million dollars per year for five years (2010-2014) (SIECU, n.d.).
Abstinence-Only Programs and the Separation of Church and State
In 2000, Congress passed a law that allowed states to allocate funds to private organizations, inter alia religious groups (Friedman, 2005, p. 775). Since then, after funds were allotted to states, the latter were free to choose who to distribute it to. This provision is problematic as it can be deemed unconstitutional; because states were able to allocate federal funding to faith-based organizations so long as they were promoting abstinence-only programs, tax-payer dollars were used to finance religious organizations, yet this is infringing on the separation-of-church-and-state clause of the Constitution.
On May 16th, 2005, The American Civil Liberties Union and Jenner & Block LLP filed a lawsuit against Mike Leavitt, Secretary of U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Wade Horn, Assistance Secretary for Children and Families, and Harry Wilson, Associate commissioner, Administration on Children, Youth and Families for violation of the Establishment Clause of the First Amendment of the U.S. Constitution through funding of the abstinence education program provided by Silver Ring Thing (American Civil Liberties Union ACLU, 2005). The suit was based on Silver Ring Thing’s mission statement which says that it offers students “a personal relationship with Jesus Christ as the best way to live a sexually pure life” as well as the contents of their abstinence program as a whole (ACLU, 2005). As part of their program, the Silver Ring Thing gifts the students who take the pledge to remain abstinent until marriage with a Christian Bible and the said “silver ring” which is engraved with a quote from the New Testament (Friedman, 2005, p. 778).
On February 23rd of the following year, the ACLU announced that a settlement was signed by both parties. The settlement states that the Defendants were not to fund the abstinence education program of the Silver Ring Thing in its current form, and in the event that Silver Ring Thing reapplies for grants during fiscal years 2006 through 2008, Defendants must ensure that Silver Ring Thing discloses how it plans to make use of the federal funds and monitor such spending, as well as ensuring that the program is adhering to 45 C.F.R. Part 87 (2005), which “specifically prohibits the use of federal funds to support inherently religious activities” (ACLU, 2006).
Falsehoods and Misleading Information Regarding Contraceptive and Barrier Methods Contained in Abstinence-Only Curriculums
In order to receive federal dollars, the schools accepting to put forth abstinence-only curriculums have to follow strict guidelines: educators cannot talk about condoms or other contraceptive methods except to report failure rates. However, the failure rates communicated to students through the abstinence-only programs are biased because there is no distinction made between correct use failure rates and inconsistent or incorrect use failure rates. As argued by Macaluso et al. (1999), in a majority of condom failure rate reports, the failure rate disclosed is not consistent with breakage or defect rate of the device itself (as cited in Planned Parenthood Federation of America PPFA, 2011), and it is misleading potential users as to the actual effectiveness of condoms as both a contraceptive and a barrier method. In fact, the Centers for Disease Control (CDC) reports (1998) an actual breakage rate of 2% when condoms are used properly (as cited in PPFA, 2011). Moreover, in “Contraceptive Efficacy,” Trussell states that when condoms are used consistently and correctly by a sexually active couple, a woman has less than 3% chance of becoming pregnant within a year (Advocates for Youth, 2007).
The rates publicized through abstinence-only programs, which oscillate around 15%, give students the erroneous impression that condoms are ineffective. As a comparison, one can think of the use of cycling helmets: it is reasonable to assume no parent would tell their child that helmets are not reliable because they are not 100% effective in preventing injuries and that the only way to prevent injuries is to refrain from cycling altogether. That is what abstinence-only programs are teaching U.S. children: the only way to avoid unwanted pregnancies and sexually transmitted infections is abstinence. Although such affirmation is true, it is inappropriate to mislead students by manipulating the information that is given to them, and it is irresponsible to presume—or hope—that they will indeed abstain from engaging in sexual activity.
Risk Sexual Behavior Among Youth in Correlation with Teen Pregnancy Rates and Sexually Transmitted Infections Rates
The Adolescent and School Health division of the CDC monitors health-risk behaviors among teenagers around the country. The data collected for the year 2013 demonstrates that high-school students in Texas engage in risk sexual behavior in greater proportions than those of the rest of the country. For the year 2013, the data collected establishes that 46% of high school students and 63% of 12th-grade students in Texas declared having engaged in sexual intercourse, which is consistent with the results observed for the country as a whole. However, when it comes to the use of contraceptive methods and barrier methods among sexually active high school students, the state of Texas is lagging behind. As reported by the CDC, 47% of Texas high school students who were sexually active declared that they did not use a condom during their last sexual intercourse—compared to 41% for high school students in the country. Likewise, the percentage of students who did not use a contraceptive method to prevent pregnancy prior to their last sexual intercourse was 80% in Texas and 75% in the U.S (CDC, 2013). The data presented by the CDC regarding sexual behaviors among youth in Texas is consistent with the teenage birth rates in the state—which are higher than those of most of the country. With a teenage birth rate of 41 per 1000 female ages 15-19 in 2013, Texas placed fifth-to-last among all 50 states, and its rate equated to more than one-and-a-half times that of the U.S.
Summary
In light of the data presented, it appears as like there is a strong link between comprehensive sexual education, the accessibility and affordability of health care and contraception, as well as openness towards defining and teaching youth about healthy sexual behaviors. Thus, by denying Texas’ youth access to enlightening medical information, legislators are putting large numbers at risk of unwanted pregnancies and of contracting health threatening sexually transmitted infections. Therefore, with the goal of further reducing the teenage pregnancy rate of the U.S. and reducing the spread of sexually transmitted infections, it is imperative to provide both abstinence as well as comprehensive sex education to all students attending public school in America.
References
Advocates for Youth. (2007). The truth about abstinence-only programs. Publications. Retrieved from http://www.advocatesforyouth.org/storage/advfy/documents/fsabstinenceonly.pdfAmerican Civil Liberties Union. (2005, May 16). ACLU Challenges Misuse of Taxpayer Dollars to Fund Religion in Nationwide Abstinence-Only-Until-Marriage Program. Retrieved from https://www.aclu.org/news/aclu-challenges-misuse-taxpayer-dollars-fund-religion-nationwide-abstinence-only-until-marriageAmerican Civil Liberties Union. (2006, February 23). Settlement Agreement in ACLU of Massachusetts v. Secretary of U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. Retrieved from https://www.aclu.org/sites/default/files/field_document/srtsettlementagreement.pdf
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. (2013). Youth online: high school YRBS. Youth Risk Behavior Surveillance System (YRBSS). Retrieved from https://nccd.cdc.gov/youthonline
Friedman, J. (2005, September 16). Teen sex. CQ Researcher, 15(32), 761-784. Retrieved from http://library.cqpress.com/Illes, J. (2012, November). Young sexual citizens: reimagining sex education as an essential form of civic engagement. Sex Education, 12(5), 613-625. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14681811.2011.634152
Ingham, R. (2005, November). ‘We didn’t cover that at school’: education against pleasure or education for pleasure? Sex Education, 5(4), 375-388. doi:10.1080/14681810500278451
Issues & Controversies. (2007, July 6). Teen Pregnancy: does learning about birth control in school help prevent teen pregnancy? Infobase Learning. Retrieved from http://icof.infobaselearning.com/recordurl.aspx?wid=99152&ID=2142
Planned Parenthood Federation of America, Inc. (2011). The Truth About Condoms. Retrieved from http://www.plannedparenthood.org/files/9313/9611/6384/truth_about_condoms.pdf
Santelli, J. (2008, October). Medical accuracy in sexuality education: ideology and the scientific process. American Journal of Public Health, 98(10), 1786-1792. doi: 10.2105/AJPH.2007.119602
Sexuality Information and Education Council of the United States. (n.d.). A History of Federal Funding for Abstinence-Only-Until-Marriage Programs. Retrieved from http://www.siecus.org/index.cfm?fuseaction=page.viewpage&pageid=1340&nodeid=1The World Bank. (n.d.). Adolescent fertility rate (births per 1,000 women ages 15-19). Data. Retrieved from http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SP.ADO.TFRT/countriesU.S. Department of Health & Human Services. (2015, May 29). Trends in teen pregnancy and childbearing. Office of Adolescent Health. Retrieved from http://www.hhs.gov/ash/oah/adolescent-health-topics/reproductive-health/teen-pregnancy/trends.html
Data communications and networks
Data communications and networks
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Table of Contents
TOC o “1-3” h z u 1.0 Introduction PAGEREF _Toc377361632 h 32.0 Background PAGEREF _Toc377361633 h 33.0 Possible findings from the facts presented PAGEREF _Toc377361634 h 33.1 Vulnerability analysis of 3DES cryptographic system PAGEREF _Toc377361635 h 43.2 Transaction authorization by the bank customer PAGEREF _Toc377361636 h 54.0 What SSB and Alice could have done to protect against this controversy from arising PAGEREF _Toc377361637 h 65.0 The case of using AES rather than 3DES by SSB PAGEREF _Toc377361638 h 6References PAGEREF _Toc377361639 h 7
1.0 IntroductionThe communication of sensitive data such as bank financial information from source to destination without any interception or any attack at any point of communication network calls for incorporation of security measures. One security measure involves the use of data encryption for messages. Cryptography is one way of ensuring the security of sensitive data to be transmitted across communication network via encryption and decryption of messages. Cryptography is the science and art of changing messages to make them secure and immune to attack (Singh & Supriya, 2013).
2.0 BackgroundSuper Secure Bank uses Triple Data Encryption Standard (3DES) for security of communicated messages regarding bank transactions. However, the security of 3DES became questionable when Alice, one of the bank customers received a statement showing that money equivalent to one million dollars was debited from her account by Bob, the bank manager. The 3DES security system used by the bank became even more questionable when Bob, the manager produced a properly encrypted message from Alice, showing that the transaction was authorized by Alice. Alice, the bank customer termed the produced message as forged and resolved to file a suit against Bob, Super Secure bank and the government of Cayman Islands. It is as a result of this scenario that this paper attempts to analyze the 3DES security cryptographic system used by the bank in terms of facts presented concerning whether Alice had an intention of giving a gift to Bob. The paper also addresses how this security controversy could have been tackled while maintaining the use of 3DES.
3.0 Possible findings from the facts presentedIn this case, the facts are presented both by Alice and Bob. Bob, the bank manager has also accepted that he was responsible for the account debiting. Nevertheless, he insists that he got the authority from Alice, the account holder, acclaim which Alice denied. The possible findings in this case will include any existing weakness or vulnerability threat with the current 3DES cryptographic system used by the bank. Another finding is whether it is true that Alice authorized the transaction.
3.1 Vulnerability analysis of 3DES cryptographic system3DES is the common name for the Triple data Encryption Algorithm (TDEA), also called triple DEA symmetric key block cipher. It is a security system that was developed from Data Encryption Standard (DES). DES had lower performance as compared to the algorithm in DES. Therefore, 3DES was developed with the main aim of tackling the apparent flaws in DES without designing an entire fresh cryptosystem. DES used 56 bit key and thus 3DES simply extends the key size of DES by three times of algorithm application in sequence. With different keys. The combined key size is thus 168(3×56). This makes 3DES more secure due to longer length of key that increases the number of different key combinations that the attacker should employ in order to get the right of entry into the system. In this case, the attack becomes harder when there are many different combinations of keys to be used due to longer key length. DES security system was sufficient at the time it was developed. But the availability of enhanced power of computation made brute-force attacks feasible. Because of this Triple DES (3DES) was introduced which offers relatively simple approach of increasing the size of the key for the DES security against attack, without the need of design a completely fresh block cipher algorithm. Nonetheless, 3DES is quite slow though regarded as sufficiently safe (Singh & Supriya, 2013, Khan & Deshmukh, 2014).
The 3DES also exists in two types. These types include 168 key bits and 112 key bits for the data to be encrypted and decrypted. The type with 168 bits was known to have an attack that had an effect of reducing its effective size of key to 112 bits. The type with 112 bits is vulnerable to various attacks, providing it with key size of 80 bits (Thomas, 2014). In addition, other possibilities of attack include substitution attacks which replace safe system implementation with backdoor system. The attacker can also target both hardware and software in this case. Others include leaked key data, leaked sensitive data, flawed application interface usage and others (Schneier et al., 2015). All these possibilities when combined with the fact that advanced computation also makes such security system feasible to the attackers, it implies that there is at least away in which an attacker can get the right of entry into the system without the permission of the account holder. The major finding therefore in this case is that 3DES is not fully immune to attack especially with continuous advancement of computation.
3.2 Transaction authorization by the bank customerThe complete bank transaction using security system in the transfer of funds will involve the use of account holder password at some point. In the user authentication bypass, the attacker can modify the system code that defines the 3DES algorithm. When this happens, then the potential attacker(s) can easily get access into the system and transfer funds. This can probably be even easier when carried out by a banker like Bob who is a bank manager. In case a transaction is carried out in such a way that there is authentication bypass, and then it can be one proof that the transaction was conducted by a criminal attacker other the bank customer.
4.0 What SSB and Alice could have done to protect against this controversy from arisingFirst, the Super Secure Bank and Alice could have agreed to reverse the transaction in order to credit the account of Alice by the same amount of debit. Second is to carry out an investigation within the communication network on how the funds were transferred electronically. If no proof is found on her participation in the transaction, then the bank should discipline Bob who is the manager. This will also mean that surely there is some vulnerability with the 3DES cryptography system used by the SSB bank. As a result, the SS bank can a sure Alice on the enhancement of security on 3DES by increasing the key length for encryption and decryption of transaction data in future. Third is that since this is security system, the bank can decide on the redesign of 3DES cryptographic system with an aim of closing the security gaps that may exist due to the effect of advanced technology in computation that makes it simpler for the attacker to bypass the authentication.
In the case where Bob is found to be innocent, meaning that Alice indeed authorized the transaction, then SSB bank and Alice could choose to resolve the matter on their own way outside the court. This approach could be used if the aim of the stakeholders in this case is just to protect the controversy from arising. As a result, the bank can comfortably continue to use 3DES system given that the controversy could have been prevented from leaking outside the bank which could discourage other customers.
5.0 The case of using AES rather than 3DES by SSBIf the controversy arisen because of flaws in the 3DES system, then the use of advanced encryption system (AES) could have reduced the controversy with high level of probability. This is because advanced encryption system has longer key length. This gives AES several combinations of keys which the attacker will have to use if he/she is to get in to the system. In fact, this is the reason as to why AES has better performance as compared to DES (Thakur & Kumar, 2011).
AES can be used to secure key data such as monetary bank transactions as well as hard drive contents. Unlike DES, it can encrypt data blocks of 128 bits by means of symmetric keys 128, 192 or 256. However, brute force attack is the only one known against AES. It also out performs DES and other algorithms in a number of processes requested in every second in various user loads. This out performance can also be described in terms of response time in a variety of circumstances for user loads. It also permits the change of key size which brings about clear change within the battery and consumption of time. Therefore, considering various performance metrics such as encryption time, decryption time, memory utilization, CPU process and throughput, the AES performance outweighs that of DES. This also implies that its algorithm performs better as compared to DES considering unauthorized attack alongside speed. It thus offers safe encryption of sensitive but unclassified information (Barry, 2015, Thomas, 2014, Thakur & Kumar, 2011).
ReferencesSingh, G., & Supriya, A. (2013). A Study of Encryption Algorithms (RSA, DES, 3DES and AES) for Information Security. International Journal of Computer Applications, 67(19), 33-38.
Khan, M. S. S., &Deshmukh, M. S. S. (2014).Security in Cloud Computing Using Cryptographic Algorithms.
Schneier, B., Fredrikson, M., Kohno, T., & Ristenpart, T. (2015). Surreptitiously Weakening Cryptographic Systems.
Thakur, J., & Kumar, N. (2011). DES, AES and Blowfish: Symmetric key cryptography algorithms simulation based performance analysis. International journal of emerging technology and advanced engineering, 1(2), 6-12.
Thomas Pornin.(2014). What is the meaning of key size and why is the size important?. Retrieved on 4th/ 03/2015, from
http://www.security.stackexchange.com/users/655/thormas-pornin.
Barry K. Shelton.(2015). Introduction to Cryptography. Retrieved on 4th/ 03/2012, from http://www.infosectoday.com/Articles/Intro_to_Cryptography/Introduction_Encryption_Algorithms.htm
Composition Essay and Lab Report Contrast
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Composition Essay and Lab Report Contrast
There are different reasons for writing different materials, while all are about various findings, the structure, and the organization of every one of them is different from the rest. A composition essay can be either persuasive, argumentative, critique, or summary of a topic or response to questions. A lab report is usually for science subjects and records the findings of various experiments conducted. The below discussion will highlight the difference between writing a lab report and the composition essay.
To begin with, the first difference between a lab report and a composition essay is the structure of the paper. According to “A Comparison Between Reports And Essays”, in a composition essay, the work is organized with an introduction; it introduces the topic in question and has the thesis statement. The body answers the question and is arranged in multiple paragraphs and conclusions, which generalize everything written in the paper. The essay also has a title. However, for a lab report, there is an introduction talking about the experiment, abstract summarizing the whole paper and materials, and methods to explain the sample size for the study and the method used to arrive at the sample size. Additionally, the lab report has the results section from the experiment conducted, the discussion to explain the results, and to ensure whether the hypothesis was meant. Also, the essay composition details are usually arranged in paragraphs to describe and list any information. At the same time, in the lab report, the writer may use bulleting as long as the data represents the facts inferences. They are also very few styles that require the use of headlines while writing a composition essay, unfortunately for the lab reports, whatever format is being employed in the report, thy all contain headings. The lab report includes graphs and tables to explain the results from the experiment, but in a composition essay, all the information is depicted as prose paragraphs.
Secondly, the content between the two papers is very different; in a composition essay, the writer writes in response to the question which might require a persuasive, argumentative, or a critique. In contrast, in the case of a lab report, the writer writes the response for a conducted experiment. According to Popken, while in the composition essay, we use the first or third person in the lab reports, we use the third person, and it is usually written in the passive voice; this is to ensure that the writer remains objective and impersonal while recording the facts. The most prevalent difference between the essay and lab report in the case of content is the essay is based on evidence from various materials. Still, for lab reports, they are undisputed facts. The relaying of the information between the two academic writing is also different. In a lab report apart from writing in the third person, personal opinions are not referenced in the report, and the paper is written in the past. In the composition of the essay, someone’s views are addressed either as a prompt requirement or to conclude the essay, and the writing can be written both in the past, present, and future by using the appropriate signal phrases (Petrosky). Also, while the response to the question is answered by extensive research of various articles in the composition essays in the lab report, the author hypothesizes findings before experimenting; the hypothesis is either correct or wrong and realized after the examination.
Lastly, the inferences between the lab report and the essay composition are different. In the essay composition, the conclusion is from extensive research, which can both be criticized or approved by others. However, in the lab report, the findings are usually facts based on the experiments conducted; hence they cannot, in any chance, be disputed (“Libguides: Lab Report Writing: Lab Report Style”). At the end of a lab report, the recommendations are usually stated from the results of the experiment, while in the composition of the essay, the conclusion is the general ideas in the essay, and proposals are only written when required; this is usually very rare. After the conclusion, the essay composition has a work cited page for recording all the sources for the information in the essay, and this is hard for lab reports since they are written based on an experiment conducted; hence they are hardly any sources.
From the above discussion, they are various academic writing that is specific to specific subjects. The composition essay is prevalent in almost all subjects since they are based on research, while for lab reports, they are confined to a few topics, primarily sciences. The distinction between the two academic writing is evident, and one can distinguish just by going through them without even reading, they range from the structure, the content, and the conclusion. Though the differences between the two overpass the similarities, they help achieve the purpose of each academic writing by providing evidence to either support or dispute the essay question and record findings after conducting experiments in lab reports.
Works Cited
“A Comparison Between Reports And Essays”. Unilearning.Uow.Edu.Au, 2000, https://unilearning.uow.edu.au/report/1b.html.
“Libguides: Lab Report Writing: Lab Report Style”. Phoenixcollege.Libguides.Com, 2020, https://phoenixcollege.libguides.com/c.php?g=225738&p=1496028.
Petrosky, Anthony R. “From story to essay: Reading and writing.” College composition and Communication 33.1 (1982): 19-36.
Popken, Randall L. “Essay exams and papers: A contextual comparison.” Journal of Teaching Writing 8.1 (1989): 51-66.